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The    LJexineton  Centennial 


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LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL 


PROCEEDINGS 


CENTENNIAL    CELEBRATION 


Battle  of  Lexington, 


APRIL  19,   1875. 


LEXINGTON: 
PUBLISHED     BY    THE     TOWN. 

BOSTON:   LOCKWOOD,   BROOKS,  &   CO. 
1875. 


FRANKLIN     PRESS: 

RAND,  AVERY,  &  Co.,  PRINTERS, 
BOSTON. 


NOTE. 


THE  Committee  chosen  to  arrange  and  publish  the  speeches,  correspond 
ence,  and  other  proceedings  connected  with  the  recent  celebration  at  Lex 
ington,  have  the  honor  to  present  the  result  of  their  labors  in  the  following 
pages. 

We  congratulate  ourselves  and  our  associates  on  being  able  to  furnish  so 
full  a  record  of  an  occasion  which  we  believe  reflects  honor  upon  the  town, 
and  which  seems  to  have  awakened  a  generous  spirit  of  patriotism  throughout 
the  country. 

Knowing  that  it  was  the  desire  of  the  town  to  make  the  celebration 
national  in  its  character,  and  worthy  of  the  grand  inheritance  we  have 
received  from  our  Revolutionary  fathers,  the  Committee  issued  their  invita 
tions  to  all  branches  of  the  General  and  State  Government,  to-  public 
institutions,  and  important  societies,  to  the  governors  of  all  the  States,  and  to 
distinguished  individuals  in  all  parts  of  the  country. 

Having  no  historical  name  to  acquire,  and  being  content  with  the  honor 
long  since  accorded  her,  Lexington  felt  that  she  ought  to  use  the  advantages 
of  her  position  by  harmonizing  public  feeling,  and  reviving,  so  far  as  possible, 
the  noble  sentiments  that  inspired  the  hearts  of  our  ancestors,  and  nerved 
them  to  heroic  deeds  in  the  early  days  of  the  Republic. 

Actuated  by  these  feelings,  our  principal  speakers  were  selected  as  repre 
sentative  men  of  eminent  ability,  whose  utterances  on  this  historic  ground 
would  be  widely  recognized  as  expressing  the  broad  and  just  views  of  loyal 
Americans  of  all  parties  and  of  every  section. 


M 178896 


5  NOTE. 

As  we  see  a  general  disposition  to  make  our  numerous  centennials  con 
tribute  to  the  peace  and  harmony  of  the  country,  it  is  a  matter  of  satisfac 
tion  to  us,  that  we  were  permitted  to  take  the  lead  in  this  good  work;  and  we 
rejoice  that  the  voice  from  Lexington  Common  in  1875,  like  that  which  was 
heralded  from  the  same  spot  in  1775,  has  done  something  to  excite  a  genuine 
patriotic  feeling  in  all  parts  of  the  land. 

The  foreign  letters  published  in  this  volume  refer  to  the  honorable  position 
which  our  country  has  won  among  the  nations,  during  the  first  century  of  its 
existence. 

The  response  of  Mr.  Gladstone  shows  a  rare  knowledge  of  the  principles 
underlying  our  political  system,  and,  by  its  mingled  wisdom  and  kindness, 
has  helped  to  strengthen  the  bonds  of  good-will  that  already  unite  us  so  closely 
with  the  people  of  Great  Britain. 

We  have  inserted  several  speeches  which  were  prepared  for  the  occasion, 
and  which,  but  for  the  chilliness  of  the  weather  and  the  delays  incident  to  so 
large  a  gathering,  would  have  been  delivered  at  the  tables. 

We  have  also  given  an  account  of  the  Sunday  services ;  believing  that  the 
solemn  sanctions  of  religion  are  highly  important  to  enforce  the  duties  of  the 
citizen,  and  that  patriotism  is  only  one  form  of  Christianity. 

As  our  village  clergyman,  in  the  dark  days  of  the  Revolution,  gave  a  moral 
and  religious  tone  to  the  movement  of  the  patriots,  it  was  felt  that  we  were 
following  a  good  precedent  in  reminding  the  people  of  the  close  connection 
between  love  to  God  and  love  to  our  country. 

The  Historical  Appendix  is  designed  to  give  the  general  progress  of  the 
town,  since  the  publication  of  the  History  of  Lexington  in  1868,  and  to  fur 
nish  an  epoch  from  which  to  estimate,  her  future  growth. 

A  few  wood-cuts  will  be  found  at  the  close  of  the  volume. 

CHARLES    HUDSON, 
EDWARD   G.    PORTER. 

Committee  of  Publication, 
LEXINGTON,  1875. 


CONTENTS. 


I.    ORATION  .  .  ....  9-  30 


II.    MORNING  EXERCISES  IN  THE  PAVILION 


~   44 


III.  AFTERNOON  EXERCISES  IN  THE  DINNER    TENT  .            .          47-108 

IV.  GENERAL  DESCRIPTION  O/>    THE  DAY    .            .  .               109-134 

V.  SERVICES  ON  SUNDAY  THE  EIGHTEENTH  .            .        135-144 

VL  SERMON                       .                                                .  145-159 

VII.  HISTORICAL  APPENDIX,    WITH  ILLUSTRATIONS   .  .        161-182 


ORATION 

BY  THE  HON.  RICHARD  HENRY  DANA,  JUN. 

How  mysterious  is  that  touch  o.f  Fate  which  gives  immortality  to  a  spot  of 
earth,  —  to  a  name  !  The  vital  spark  falls  upon  it,  and  it  flashes  into  immortal 
life.  There  were  countless  passes  through  the  Locrian  Mountains  whose 
names  have  perished.  The  lot  fell  upon  one  of  them  ;  and  the  name  of  Ther 
mopylae  is  as  fresh  after  two  thousand  years  as  at  the  glory's  height  of  Greece, 
and,  the  world  over  is,  and  ever  will  be,  among  all  races  and  in  all  tongues,  a 
watchword  for  heroic  self-devotion,  an  electric  shock  to  create  a  soul  of 
patriot  valor  under  the  ribs  of  Death. 

There  were  thick  studded  villages  over  the  plains  of  Belgium  unknown  to 
fame,  and  none  less  known  than  Waterloo,  whose  name  on  the  morning  of  the 
1 8th  June,  1815,  had  not  been  heard  beyond  the  sound  of  its  village  chimes. 
By  the  setting  sun  of  that  day,  it  was  to  stand  forever  an  appeal  of  pride  and 
glory  to  one  great  race,  while  the  mere  utterance  of  its  syllables  stirs  to  the 
very  depths  the  resentment  and  chagrin  of  another,  so  that  its  place  in  human 
speech  is  a  standing  menace  to  the  peace  of  Europe. 

There  were  many  hamlets  of  New  England  through  which  British  troops 
passed  and  repassed  in  1775,  —  hamlets  whose  people  were  no  less  patriotic 
and  devoted  than  your  own  ;  but  the  lot  of  glory  fell  to  Lexington.  A  few 
minutes  of  the  dawn  of  a  spring  morning,  and  your  name  was  sealed  with 
the  blood  of  martyrs  ;  it  was  to  be  cherished  forever  in  the  affectionate  mem 
ories  of  the  people  of  a  continent,  to  be  borne  on  banners  above  the  smoke 
of  battle,  inscribed  upon  the  war-ships  of  a  great  nation,  and  proudly  carried 


IO  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

into  every  sea,  to  be  adopted  in  grateful  remembrance  by  a  score  of  towns 
in  all  parts  of  this  empire  ;  a  name  which  will  ever  cry, — 

"  Freedom's  battle  once  begun, 
Bequeathed  by  bleeding  sire  to  son, 
Though  baffled  oft  is  ever  won." 

But  Thermopylae  and  Waterloo,  like  many  other  names,  owed  their  immor 
tality  to  strangers.  The  three  hundred  Spartans  marched  many  weary  leagues 
from  the  centre  of  Laconia  to  defend,  against  the  myriads  of  Asiatic  invaders, 
those  defiles  for  which  the  natives  had  no  thought  of  contending.  It  was  the 
accident  that  the  two  vast  war-clouds,  charged  full  with  Gallic  and  British 
thunders,  broke  just  there,  which  gave  Waterloo  what  its  own  nation  could 
never  have  given  it.  It  was  foreign  flint  and  foreign  steel  that  struck  out 
for  it  the  vital  spark.  How  little  have  the  people  of  Gettysburg  to  do  with 
the  consecration  of  its  soil ! 

It  is  the  felicity  of  Lexington  that  she  was  consecrated  to  the  world's  use 
by  the  blood  of  her  own  sons.  The  men  who  fell  on  this  green,  under  the 
shadow  of  the  village  church,  willing  martyrs,  were  men  born  and  reared  here, 
taught  at  the  village  school  and  from  the  village  pulpit,  freeholders  of  your 
own  lands,  voters  in  your  own  town-meetings,  organized  into  the  militia  of 
your  little  community.  When  they  stood  in  line,  when  they  refused  to 
surrender  their  arms,  when  they  fell  beneath  the  British  volley,  it  was  in 
sight  of  mothers,  wives,  and  daughters,  and  —  that  cabalistic  word  to  all  vil 
lagers  of  New  England  —  of  neighbors.  It  was  no  chance  conflict  of  foreign 
or  allied  armies.  It  was  no  work  of  even  friendly  and  neighboring  hands. 
Sixty  or  seventy  freeholders  and  voters  of  Lexington,  in  their  primitive 
capacity,  organized,  after  the  manner  of  their  fathers,  into  military  array,  by 
authority  of  the  town  and  province,  bearing  arms  by  a  right  they  deemed  their 
inalienable  birthright,  they  stood  there  in  obedience  to  the  voice  of  the  people 
of  the  town  and  province,  their  hearts,  consciences,  and  understandings  fully 
satisfied  and  fully  instructed,  determined  not  to  begin  war  in  a  state  of  legal 
peace,  but  resolved,  if  war  must  come,  if  in  the  providence  of  God  it  was  to 


MR.     DANA'S    ORATION.  II 

begin  there,  to  meet  it  in  their  own  persons,  and,  if  it  was  so  written,  to  be  the 
first  to  shed  their  blood  in  the  common  cause. 

It  is  one  of  the  proofs  of  the  infinite  superiority  of  spirit  over  matter,  that 
this  immortality  of  a  name  is  not  the  accidental  dropping  of  a  material  force. 
It  is  the  conscience,  the  will  of  man,  that  clothes  with  endless  life  the  spot 
of  earth,  and  forms  its  syllables  into  immortal  speech.  That  spot  is  consecrate 
to  fame  or  infamy  on  which  the  human  spirit  has  done  some  great  act  for  good 
or  evil.  And,  of  all  the  good  deeds  that  men  may -do  for  their  race,  there  is 
none  that  speaks  to  the  heart  like  voluntary  sacrifice.  It  is  not  the  blood  of 
warriors,  but  the  blood  of  martyrs,  that  is  the  seed  of  the  Church.  It  is  written 
in  the  very  constitution  of  human  nature,  that  without  the  shedding  of  blood 
there  is  no  remission  of  the  bonds  and  penalties  which  the  pride  or  the  lusts 
of  men  have  laid  upon  even  the  most  innocent.  It  is  not  so  much  the  field  of 
ever  so  just  a  battle,  as  it  is  the  block,  the  scaffold,  the  burning  fagots,  the 
cross,  of  voluntary,  intelligent  sacrifice,  which  speak  most  effectively  to  the 
heart.  Of  all  the  voices  that  call  to  men,  none  so  stirs  the  soul  as  the  voice 
of  the  blood  of  martyrs  calling  from  the  ground.  And,  of  all  martyrs,  so  it  is, 
that,  whether  always  justly  or  not,  it  is  the  first  martyrs  who  are  longest 
known  and  most  widely  honored.  In  the  first  centuries  of  the  new  Faith, 
there  were  countless  heroes,  saints,  martyrs,  and  confessors  ;  and  armies  fought 
in  just  and  necessary  self-defence.  But  the  world  turns  to  one  name,  the  first 
consecrated  and  longest  remembered  ;  for  he  was  the  first  martyr.  He  was  a 
young  man  of  whom  we  know  nothing  but  that  he  was  one  of  seven  ordained 
to  the  lowest  order  of  the  ministry  in  the  church  at  Jerusalem.  The  chance 
came  to  him  first ;  and,  like  all  such  chances,  it  gave  only  an  opportunity.  A 
word  of  retraction,  a  hesitation  to  testify  at  the  instant,  and  his  name  would 
have  died  with  his  natural  death.  With  a  brave  and  willing  heart  he  met  the 
issue ;  and  for  eighteen  hundred  years  the  until  then  unknown  name  of 
Stephen  has  been  honored  by  the  dedication  of  thousands  of  churches  and 
chapels  over  Christendom  to  his  memory  ;  a  day  in  the  Church's  calendar  is 
set  apart  for  the  study  of  the  lesson  of  his  death  ;  and  at  this  moment  his  name 
is  borne  as  a  baptismal  designation  by  no  small  percentage  of  the  human  race 


12  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

Now,  fellow-citizens,  let  us  never  forget  that  the  men  of  Lexington,  on  that 
morning,  were  martyrs,  —  intentionally  and  intelligently  martyrs.  Let  us  con 
sider  this  aspect  of  martyrdom  a  little  more  closely. 

That  was  a  strange  sight  upon  which  the  morning  of  the  iQth  April  broke. 
Some  sixty  men  of  your  militia  company,  minute-men,  stood  in  line,  under  their 
officers,  on  the  open  village  green,  equipped,  and  with  their  loaded  muskets  in 
their  hands.  A  force  of  British  regulars  which  was  twelve  times,  and  was 
reported  to  be  twenty  times,  their  number,  was  to  pass  by.  It  was  a  time  of 
legal  peace  throughout  the  land.  The  regulars  and  the  militia  were  citizens  of 
one  empire,  and  subjects  of  a  common  sovereign.  Our  militia  had  fought  side 
by  side  with  British  regulars  against  French  regulars  on  many  a  field,  joined 
in  the  same  cry  of  battle  at  Quebec,  Ticonderoga,  Crown  Point,  and  Louisburg, 
and  in  the  West  Indies.  They  had  fallen  side  by  side  in  battle,  lain  side  by 
side  on  the  beds  of  hospitals  in  the  malarious  Sugar  Islands,  and  been  buried 
in  common  graves  on  the  frontiers  and  in  the  torrid  zones.  Men  of  Lexington 
had  so  served  and  fought  and  died,  in  no  small  numbers.  The  same  hand 
that  bore  your  standard  that  morning  on  the  village  green  had  borne  it  through 
the  smoke  and  din  of  the  assault  at  Louisburg  ;  and  the  same  drums  that  rolled 
the  call  at  break  of  that  day  had  beaten  their  notes  of  assurance  to  the  British 
regulars,  and  of  defiance  to  the  French,  in  more  than  one  encounter.  The  regu 
lars  were  not  enemies  yet.  They  were  not  unwelcome  as  transient  visitors,  and 
most  welcome  in  a  common  cause.  There  stands  yet,  in  Westminster  Abbey, 
the  monument  this  province  erected  to  Lord  Howe,  who  fell  at  Ticonderoga. 

Were  these  sixty  men  there  by  accident  ?  Were  they  surprised  there  by  a 
visit  from  the  regulars  ?  On  the  contrary,  they  assembled  because  the  regulars 
were  coming.  They  dispersed  when  the  alarm  was  thought  false,  and  came 
together  again  as  soon  as  it  was  known  that  the  troops  were  close  at  hand. 
Were  they  there  to  obstruct  or  resist  the  march  of  the  British  ?  They  threw  up 
no  breastworks,  however  simple.  They  were  not  posted  behind  stonewalls  or 
houses,  or  in  the  thick  woods  that  flanked  the  highway.  They  stood  alone,  in 
line,  on  the  open  common,  a  force  twelve  times  their  number  marching 
upon  them.  They  were  ordered  to  surrender  their  arms  and  disperse  by  an 


MR.     DANA'S    ORATION.  13 

officer  who  was  entitled  to  disarm  and  disperse  them,  under  the  new  order  of 
things,  if  they  were  an  armed  band  unknown  to  the  law.  The  regulars  came 
out  in  part  to  do  that  very  thing,  if  they  met  any  such  organization  in  arms. 
Our  men  refused  to  surrender  their  arms,  and  refused  to  disperse.  Must  they 
not  have  expected  the  result  ?  The  volley  came,  and  one-quarter  of  that  little 
band  fell  killed  or  wounded.  They  fell  where  they  stood,  their  arms  in  their 
hands.  They  were  powerless  to  resist,  but  they  would  not  obey.  They  fell 
willing  victims,  martyrs  by  intention  and  in  act.  But  what  did  it  mean  ? 
Was  it  an  act  of  foolhardiness  ?  Was  it  a  wilful  defying  and  exasperating  of 
the  soldiers  acting  under  royal  orders  ?  Was  their  death  something  they 
proudly  and  vainly  brought  upon  themselves  ?  Pardon  me,  my  friends.  Par 
don  me,  American,  Massachusetts,  Lexington  men  and  women,  that  I  put 
these  questions  as  to  men  whom  a  whole  people  have  honored  for  a  full  cen 
tury,  for  whom  monuments  stand,  and  to  whose  memory,  this  day,  the  thoughts 
of  millions  are  given  in  all  lands  and  on  all  seas. 

We  ought  not  to  be  surprised  if  their  act  should  seem  to  have  been  what  I 
suggest,  to  many  moderate  and  fair-minded  persons  who  do  not  know  well 
the  history  of  those  days  and  the  spirit  of  our  people.  I  would  give  a  few 
moments  now,  not  to  show  to  you,  for  you  all  know  it  too  well,  but  to  place 
on  record  for  all  who  may  ever  need  the  lesson,  the  proofs  that  this  act  of  our 
ancestors,  in  some  lights  so  inexplicable,  was  a  wise,  well-considered  deed  of 
self-sacrifice  ;  a  sad  but  necessary  part  of  a  plan  of  action  which  the  best 
understandings  and  bravest  hearts  of  this  province  and  of  the  other  provinces 
had  devised  and  recommended,  and  which,  under  the  blessing  of  God,  was 
acted  out  to  its  letter  on  this  field,  in  a  way  that  could  not  have  been  bettered, 
which  struck  right  home,  touched  the  deepest  chords,  gave  the  surest  con 
secration  to  the  inevitable  war,  and  has  made  this  day,  this  spot,  and  their 
memory,  blessed  forever. 

It  is  a  mistake  common  among  European  writers,  which  in  time  may  affect 
new  generations  here,  to  suppose  that  the  people  of  Massachusetts  in  1775 
were  striking  out  for  new  liberties  and  privileges  to  which  they  thought  them 
selves  entitled  ;  that  they  bravely  rose  together,  and  broke  the  bonds  of 


14  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

oppression,  and  set  themselves  free.  Not  at  all!  Nothing  of  the  kind  !  Noth 
ing  can  be  more  unlike  than  the  American  struggle  of  1775,  and  the  social 
and  political  revolutions  attempted  on  the  continent  of  Europe  for  liberties 
the  revolutionists  do  not  recognize  when  they  see  them,  and  cannot  keep  when 
they  have  got  them.  We  broke  no  bonds.  We  were  never  bound.  We  were 
free  born.  A  homogeneous  community,  English,  with  trifling  exceptions, 
taking  possession  of  a  new  land,  the  people  of  Massachusetts  had  been  left 
for  five  generations,  by  what  Burke  called  "  the  wise  neglect "  of  Great  Britain, 
to  self-government  and  home  rule.  We  had  grown  up  in  home  rule,  not  only 
as  against  Great  Britain,  but  as  among  ourselves.  We  called  upon  Great 
Britain  for  no  counsel  or  pecuniary  aids,  for  no  assistance  in  our  government, 
and  for  no  soldiers  to  garrison  our  towns  or  frontier  forts.  We  had  never  had 
on  our  soil  an  hereditary  title  or  hereditary  institutions.  We  had  never  had 
the  relation  of  baron  and  vassal,  landlord  and  tenant,  and  no  trace  or  shadow 
of  feudalism  lay  upon  the  land.  Our  small  properties  were  equally  distributed  ; 
and  no  law  or  custom  tended  to  build  up  families  or  privileges  or  great  accu 
mulated  wealth,  but  all  usages  and  laws  worked  directly  the  other  way.  We 
were  not  theorizers  or  experimentalists  on  speculative  notions  in  civil  affairs. 
We  did  the  work  in  hand  in  the  way  we  found  most  convenient  at  the  time, 
always  keeping  in  view,  what  all  assented  to,  the  substantial  political  equality  of 
men.  We  grew  up  a  territorial  democracy  of  ministers,  lawyers,  doctors,  mer 
chants,  yeomen,  traders,  mechanics,  and  seamen,  all  or  nearly  all  being  small 
proprietors  of  land.  We  were  educated. to  the  responsibilities,  duties,  and  bur 
dens  of  self-government,  and  knew  that  there  was  no  liberty  without  burdens 
and  sacrifices.  The  people  of  the  towns  exercised  many  sovereign  powers,  by 
the  acquiescence  of  the  people  of  the  province,  because  it  was  convenient,  and 
found  to  be  safe.  No  scientific  line  of  division  was  drawn  ;  but  a  line  was 

c 

practically  settled,  as  the  natural  result  of  conflicting  or  co-operating  necessi 
ties,  reasons,  principles,  and  conveniences.  The  people,  in  their  town-meet 
ings,  provided  for  public  worship,  built  the  churches,  called  and  paid  the 
clergymen,  and  so  exercised  ecclesiastical  powers.  They  built  the  school- 
houses,  appointed  and  paid  the  teachers,  determined  what  should  be  taught, 


MR.    DANA'S    ORATION.  15 

and  so  exercised  educational  functions.  They  organized  the  town  militia, 
appointed  its  officers,  built  the  stockade  fort,  laid  out  the  training-field,  pro 
vided  arms  and  equipments,  and  so  exercised  the  military  functions  of  govern 
ment.  The  towns  ordered  the  local  police,  drew  the  jurors  for  the  courts,  and 
so  took  their  part  in  judicial  affairs.  They  sent  representatives  to  the  General 
Court  of  the  Province,  and  so  took  part  in  the  highest  legislative  functions. 
They  assessed  at  their  discretion,  and  collected  taxes  for  all  these  purposes, 
and  so  exercised  sovereign  powers  over  property.  But  chiefly  these  town- 
meetings  were  parliaments  for  the  free  discussion  of  all  questions  touching 
the  interests  of  the  people,  and  organs  of  popular  communication  with  the 
legislature  and  executive.  The  records  of  these  town-meetings  are  the  wonder 
and  admiration  of  students  of  political  philosophy  everywhere.  They  were  a 
new  thing  in  the  world's  history.  It  has  been  said  that,  if  every  other  record 
should  perish,  the  true  character  and  full  history  of  the  civil  struggle  from 
1760  to  1775  could  be  written  from  the  records  of  the  town-meetings,  includ 
ing  the  resolutions  adopted,  and  the  instructions  sent  to  their  representatives 
in  the  General  Court. 

In  the  provincial  government,  too,  we  were  free.  We  chose  representatives 
by  towns,  and  the  representatives  elected  the  council ;  and  the  two  formed 
the  legislature  which  made  all  our  laws.  The  judges  were  appointed  and  paid 
by  ourselves.  We  ordered  our  own  militia  system,  established  and  regulated 
our  judicature  ;  and  persons  charged  with  crimes  were  tried  within  the  prov 
ince,  by  juries  drawn  by  lot  in  the  towns.  We  laid  and  collected  our  own 
taxes,  and  no  tax  had  ever  been  imposed  upon  us  by  imperial  power.  We 
held  allegiance  to  the  crown,  and  were  parts  of  the  British  empire  ;  but  we 
were  a  self-governing,  home-ruling  people,  loyal,  content,  well-educated,  and 
industrious,  giving  no  cause  of  just  complaint  to  the  people  of  England.  In 
short,  we  had  been  for  five  generations  the  freest,  most  self-governing  people 
the  world  had  ever  known. 

In  an  evil  hour,  the  pride,  jealousy,  and  greed  of  the  mother  country,  and 
quite  as  much  of  its  trading,  manufacturing,  and  middle  classes,  as  of  its 
nobles  and  gentry,  set  its  eye  upon  the  Colonies  for  imperial  taxation.  We 


1 6  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

denied  the  right.  Burke  would  not  argue  the  abstract  question  of  right, 
which,  he  said,  could  only  be  safely  discussed  in  the  schools,  but  stood  on  the 
practical  position,  that  parliament  had  never  taxed  the  Colonies,  that  it  was  a 
novelty  originating  in  a  mere  theory  of  parliamentary  omnipotence,  was  felt 
by  the  Colonists  to  be  unjust  and  oppressive,  and  might  be  dangerous,  and 
would  not  pay  for  itself;  and  those,  he  said,  were  reasons  enough  for  statesmen. 
The  Stamp  Act  was  passed,  resisted  peacefully  but  pertinaciously,  and  repealed. 
The  parliament  returned  to  the  charge  ;  and  the  Tea  Tax  was  passed,  resisted 
by  solemn  leagues  and  covenants  not  to  import  or  use,  to  which  nearly  all 
the  people  became  parties.  Lexington  resolved,  in  words  which  few  but  a 
New  England  townsman  can  fully  appreciate,  "  If  any  head  of  a  family  in 
this  town,  or  any  person,  shall  from  this  time  forward,  and  until  the  duty  be 
taken  off,  purchase  any  tea,  or  sell  and  consume  any  tea  in  their  family,  such 
person  shall  be  looked  upon  as  an  enemy  to  this  town  and  to  his  country,  and 
shall,  by  this  town,  be  treated  with  neglect  and  contempt."  No  anathema,  no 
bull  of  excommunication^  no  interdict,  could  carry  such  terror  to  the  inhabit 
ant  of  a  New  England  town  as  these  plain  words.  (Peaceful  resistance 
all  this  —  save  in  the  case  of  two  cargoes  at  Boston,  to  which  water,  cold 
and  salt,  was  prematurely  and  unscientifically  applied.)  The  Boston  Port 
Bill  was  cruel  in  itself,  highly  tyrannical,  and  a  mean  appeal  to  the  jealousy 
of  other  towns  and  provinces,  in  which  it  failed,  to  their  infinite  credit,  and 
only  exasperated  to  the  last  point  of  endurance  the  sensibilities  of  a  brave 
and  generous  people.  The  Restraining  Acts  restricted  our  commerce,  and 
sought  to  banish  us  from  the  fisheries. 

But  bad  as  were  these  well-known  measures,  and  dangerous  to  peace  and 
liberty,  it  was  not  they  that  aimed  the  fatal  blow  at  our  accustomed  rights  and 
liberties,  —  the  blow  that  must  be  fatal  either  to  our  system  of  self-government 
and  home  rule,  or  to  parliamentary  and  kingly  omnipotence  —  and  placed  the 
two  systems  face  to  face  in  irreconcilable  conflict.  The  acts  of  1774,  generically 
known  as  the  Regulation  Acts,  were  radical  and  revolutionary.  They  went 
to  the  foundations  of  our  public  system,  and  sought  to  reconstruct  it  from  the 
base  on  a  theory  of  kingly  and  parliamentary  omnipotence. 


MR.     DANA'S    ORATION.  IJ 

Let  me  recall  to  your  attention  what  these  acts  were  ;  for  although  the 
Stamp  Act,  the  Tea  Tax,  and  Boston  Port  Bill,  and  the  Restraining  Acts,  and 
the  Military  Act  had  alarmed  and  exasperated  the  people,  this  monument  on 
this  field  commemorates  resistance  to  the  Reconstruction  Acts  of  1774. 

The  councillors  had  been  chosen  by  the  people,  through  their  representa 
tives.  By  the  new  law  they  were  to  be  appointed  by  the  king,  and  to  hold  at 
his  pleasure.  The  superior  judges  were  to  hold  at  the  will  of  the  king,  and  to 
be  dependent  upon  his  will  for  the  amount  and  payment  of  their  salaries  ;  and 
the  inferior  judges  to  be  removable  by  the  royal  governor  at  his  discretion, 
he  himself  holding  at  the  king's  will.  The  sheriffs  were  to  be  appointed  by 
the  royal  governor,  and  to  hold  at  his  will.  The  juries  had  been  selected  by 
the  inhabitants  of  the  towns :  they  were  now  to  be  selected  by  the  new 
sheriffs,  mere  creatures  of  the  royal  governor.  Offenders  against  the  peace, 
and  against  the  lives  and  persons  of  our  people,  had  been  tried  here  by  our 
courts  and  juries  ;  and  in  the  memorable  case  of  the  Soldiers'  Trial  for  the 
firing  in  King's  Street  in  March,  1770,  we  had  proved  ourselves  capable  of  doing 
justice  to  our  oppressors.  By  the  new  act,  persons  charged  with  capital  crimes, 
and  royal  officers,  civil  or-military,  charged  with  offences  in  the  execution  of 
the  royal  laws  or  warrants,  could  be  transferred  for  trial  to  England,  or  to  some 
other  of  the  Colonies.  But  the  deepest-reaching  provision  of  the  acts  was  that 
aimed  at  the  town-meetings.  They  were  no  longer  to  be  parliaments  of  free 
men  to  discuss  matters  of  public  interest,  to  instruct  their  representatives,  and 
look  to  the  redress  of  grievances.  They  were  prohibited,  except  the  two 
annual  meetings  of  March  and  May,  and  were  then  only  to  elect  officers; 
and  no  other  meetings  could  be  held  unless  by  the  written  permission  of  the 
royal  governor;  and  no  matters  could  be  considered  unless  specially  sanctioned 
in  the  permission. 

Am  I  not  right  in  saying  that  these  acts  sought  a  radical  revolution,  a 
fundamental  reconstruction  of  our  ancient  political  system  ?  They  sought  to 
change  self-government  into  government  by  the  king,  and  for  home  rule  to 
substitute  absolute  rule  at  Westminster  and  St.  James's  Palace.  They  gave 
the  royal  governor  and  his  council  here  powers  which  the  king  and  his  council 


1 8  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

could  not  exercise  in  Great  Britain,  —  powers  from  which  the  British  nobles 
and  commons  had  fought  out  their  exemption,  and  to  which  they  would  never 
submit.  The  British  Annual  Register,  the  best  authority  of  that  day  on 
political  history,  says,  that,  by  this  series  of  acts  against  the  Colonists,  "their 
ancient  constitutions  were  destroyed,"  and  they  were  "  deprived  of  the  rights 
they  had  ever  been  taught  to  revere  and  hold  sacred.'' 

Nor  were  these  acts  mere  declarations.  They  were  to  be  enforced,  and  at 
once,  and  absolutely.  The  Military  Acts  provided  for  quartering  the  troops 
upon  the  towns.  In  February,  1775,  a  resolution  of  parliament  declared 
Massachusetts  in  rebellion,  and  pledged  the  lives  and  property  of  Englishmen 
to  its  suppression.  This  resolution  was  little  short  of  a  declaration  of  war. 
The  instructions  of  Lord  Dartmouth,  the  secretary  of  state  for  the  Colonies,  to 
Gen.  Gage,  the  royal  governor,  ran  thus  :  "The  sovereignty  of  the  king  over 
the  Colonies  requires  a  full  and  absolute  submission."  Gage  writes  to  Lord 
Dartmouth,  "  The  time  for  conciliation,  moderation,  and  reasoning  is  over.  .  .  . 
The  forces  must  take  the  field  ;  "  "  Civil  government  is  near  its  end."  He 
advised  that  the  king  send  twenty  thousand  men  to  Massachusetts,  and  with 
these  he  would  undertake  to  enforce  the  new  system,  disarm  the  Colonists, 
and  arrest  the  chief  traitors,  and  send  them  to  London  for  trial.  A  force  of 
five  thousand  regulars  was  gathered  at  Boston,  and  more  were  coming,  under 
distinguished  leaders.  The  Common  was  occupied,  the  Neck  fortified,  and 
Boston  was  under  martial  law.  Gen.  Gage  was  authorized  to  order  the  troops  to 
fire  upon  the  people.  The  people  by  peaceful  means  and  moral  coercion,  not 
without  intimidation,  but  without  bloodshed,  prevented  the  new  system  of 
legislature,  jurors,  judges,  and  executive  officers,  going  into  effect;  and  Gen. 
Gage  attempted  to  seat  the  judges  and  the  new  officers  by  the  troops.  The 
people  refused  to  serve  on  the  juries,  and  few,  even  of  the  royalists,  dared  to 
accept  the  offices  of  judge,  councillor,  or  sheriff.  The  people  continued  to 
hold  their  town-meetings,  and  organized  county-meetings  and  a  Provincial  Con 
gress,  and  Gage  resolved  to  disperse  them  by  the  bayonets  of  the  regulars. 
Troops  were  sent  to  Salem  to  disperse  a  meeting,  but  they  arrived  too  late. 
His  proclamation  forbade  the  people  attending  unauthorized  meetings,  disc- 


MR.    DANA'S    ORATION.  19 

bedience  "  to  be  answered  at  their  utmost  peril."  By  another  proclamation, 
he  had  ordered  the  arrest  and  securing  for  trial  of  all  who  might  sign  or 
publish,  or  invite  others  to  sign,  the  covenant  of  non-importation  ;  and  the 
troops  were  to  do  it.  He  was  ordered,  from  home,  to  take  possession  of  every 
fort,  to  seize  all  military  stores,  arrest  and  imprison  all  thought  to  have  com 
mitted  treason,  to  repress  the  rebellion  by  force,  and,  generally,  to  substitute 
more  coercive  measures  "  without  waiting  for  the  aid  of  the  civil  magistrates." 
In  short,  Massachusetts  was  placed  under  martial  law,  to  be  enforced  by  the 
king's  troops  ;  and  all  for  the  purpose  of  changing  radically,  by  imperial 
power,  the  fundamental  institutions  of  the  people,  in  which  they  had  grown 
up,  which  they  had  wisely,  safely,  and  justly  administered,  and  on  which  their 
liberties  depended. 

We  were  not  the  revolutionists.  The  king  and  parliament  were  the  revo 
lutionists.  They  were  the  radical  innovators.  We  were  the  conservators  of 
existing  institutions.  They  were  seeking  to  overthrow,  and  reconstruct  on  a 
theory  of  parliamentary  omnipotence.  We  stood  upon  the  defence  of  what 
we  had  founded  and  built  up  under  their  acquiescence,  and  without  which  we 
could  not  be  the  free  and  self-governing  people  we  had  always  been.  We 
broke  no  chain.  We  prepared  to  strike  down  any  hand  that  might  attempt  to 
lay  one  upon  us.  There  was  not  one  institution,  law,  or  custom,  political  or 
social,  from  the  mountain-tops  to  the  sea-shore,  that  we  cared  to  change.  We 
were  then  content  to  go  on  as  parts  of  the  British  empire,  holding  that  slack 
and  easy  allegiance  we  had  always  held,  on  the  old  terms  of  self-government 
and  home  rule.  It  was  not  until  more  than  a  year  after  Lexington  and  Bunker 
Hill,  that,  finding  the  two  things  hopelessly  inconsistent,  we  declared  our 
dynastic  independence,  and  in  that  sense  and  for  that  purpose  only,  became 
revolutionists. 

Against  these  subversive  revolutionary  measures,  the  Colonists  prepared  to 
resist  by  force,  for  to  that  they  knew  it  must  come.  Meetings,  caucuses,  and 
congresses  of  towns,  counties,  of  the  province,  and  of  all  the  provinces,  became 
the  order  of  the  day.  They  were  all  illegal  under  the  new  system,  and  we 
held  them  at  our  peril.  The  Provincial  Congress  collected  military  stores, 


20  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

called  on  the  towns  to  organize  the  town  companies,  and  began  to  organize 
"  the  Army  of  Massachusetts."  The  old  militia,  recognized  by  the  royal  gov 
ernor,  had  disappeared,  and  the  people's  militia  was  fast  forming,  still  inchoate  ; 
but  it  was  illegal  under  the  new  system,  and  we  joined  it  at  our  peril.  Gage 
determined  to  disarm  and  disperse  the  new  militia,  to  destroy  the  military 
stores,  and,  in  short,  as  Lord  Dartmouth  suggested,  to  effect  by  the  troops  "  a 
general  disarming  of  the  Colonists."  These  declarations  began  to  be  put  into 
execution.  The  troops  marched  out  into  the  country,  to  show  themselves  to 
the  people.  A  force  of  eleven  hundred  visited  Jamaica  Plain.  A  body  of 
one  hundred  was  permanently  quartered  at  Marshfield,  in  the  Old  Colony. 
The  troops  seized  our  powder  at  Charlestown,  and  two  field-pieces  at  Cam 
bridge.  A  few  weeks  before  the  iQth  of  April,  a  large  force  was  sent  to  Salem 
to  destroy  the  military  stores  collected  there  ;  the  militia  gathered,  the  people 
thronged  the  way,  obstructions  were  interposed,  and  the  force  withdrew  with 
out  bloodshed.  The  troops  cut  off  supplies  intended  for  us,  and  we  cut  off 
supplies  intended  for  them.  Still,  so  far,  there  had  been  no  conflict.  No 
irretrievable  act  had  been  done.  Tudor  says,  in  his  Life  of  Otis,  that  not 
withstanding  the  political  excitement  which  continued  for  ten  years  with 
hardly  an  interruption  ;  notwithstanding  the  hot  zeal  of  the  Sons  of  Liberty, 
the  bitter  opposition  of  as  zealous  loyalists,  the  presence  of  the  military, 
cases  of  individual  collision  with  the  soldiers,  and  the  seizure  of  stores,  —  still, 
"throughout  this  whole  period  of  ferment,  not  a  single  human  life  was  taken 
by  the  inhabitants,  either  by  assassination,  popular  tumult,  or  public  execu 
tion." 

The  convention  of  Middlesex  resolved  as  follows  :  "  If  in  support  of  our 
rights  we  are  called  to  encounter  even  death,  we  are  yet  undaunted,  sensible 
that  he  can  never  die  too  soon  who  lays  down  his  life  in  support  of  the  laws 
and  liberties  of  his  country."  Lexington  wrote  to  Boston,  "  We  trust  in  God, 
that,  should  the  state  of  our  affairs  require  it,  we  shall  be  ready  to  sacrifice 
our  estates  and  every  thing  dear  in  life,  yea,  and  life  itself,  in  support  of  the 
common  cause."  Quincy  wrote  from  England,  "  Our  countrymen  must  seal 
the  cause  in  their  blood." 


MR.    DANA'S    ORATION.  21 

The  whole  atmosphere  was  charged  with  war.  We  drew  it  in  at  every 
breath.  There  was  a  stillness  of  deadly  preparation,  and  a  patient  awaiting  of 
the  falling  of  the  bolt.  When  the  news  of  the  seizure  of  the  stores  at  Charles- 
town  spread,  with  a  report  that  there  had  been  firing  and  loss  of  lives,  twenty 
thousand  men. were  on  their  march  towards  Boston,  from  all  parts  of  New 
England,  thinking  that  war  had  begun.  They  returned  to  their  homes,  when 
the  report  was  contradicted  by  authority.  The  Provincial  Congress  ordered 
the  citizens  to  pay  their  taxes  to  Mr.  Gardner,  the  agent  of  the  people,  and 
not  to  the  royal  collector ;  and  Lexington  directed  her  collectors  to  obey  this 
order,  and  the  town  would  secure  them  harmless.  It  appointed  a  day  of  Fast 
ing,  Humiliation,  and  Prayer,  a  measure  of  deep  significance  in  those  days. 
The  issue  was  made  up.  But  it  was  solemnly  resolved  that  we  must  not  pre 
cipitate  the  war,  —  we  must  not  strike  the  first  blow.  We  were  to  endure 
threats,  insults,  and  demonstrations  of  violence  ;  but  the  British  troops  must 
fire  the  first  shot.  This  was  not  a  formal  thing  with  our  ancestors.  They 
were  close  reasoners,  could  walk  straight  on  a  line  of  duty,  and  had  almost  a 
superstitious  respect  for  the  law.  They  felt  the  importance  of  satisfying  the 
friends  of  our  cause  in  England,  and  in  the  other  Colonies,  some  of  which 
were  still  uncertain,  and  it  was  feared  that  the  people  of  Massachusetts  would 
outrun  their  sympathy  and  support.  Accordingly,  the  Continental  Congress 
recommended  the  people  of  this  Colony  to  avoid  a  collision  with  the  king's 
troops,  and  in  all  cases  to  act  only  on  the  defensive.  This  advice  was  repeated 
by  the  Provincial  Congress,  echoed  by  the  town-meetings,  enforced  from  the 
pulpits  and  the  press,  and  we  were  committed  to  it  before  the  world.  Men 
of  this  day  are  sometimes  amused  to  see,  that,  immediately  after  the  battle  of 
Lexington,  the  Colonists  took  to  collecting  affidavits  to  show  that  the  British 
fired  first.  But  they  were  better  judges  than  we  can  now  be  of  what  was 
important  at  that  time. 

When  the  British  troops  marched  out  this  morning,  it  was  not  merely  to 
destroy  the  military  stores  collected  at  Concord,  but  to  disarm  and  disperse 
any  military  organizations  not  recognized  by  the  new  laws,  and  to  arrest  and 
commit  to  prison  the  leading  patriots.  If  they  had  come  across  a  town-meet- 


22  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

ing  or  a  congress,  held  without  authority  of  the  royal  governor's  warrant,  they 
would  have  entered,  and  dispersed  the  meeting  by  the  bayonet ;  and  who  will 
doubt,  that,  like  the  Roman  senators  in  their  curule  chairs  and  stately  robes, 
our  ancestors,  in  their  homespun  clothes,  and  on  the  plain  wooden  benches  -of 
their  office,  senators  of  the  town  and  county,  would  have  yielded  up  their 
lives  where  they  sat,  rather  than  acknowledge  the  tyrannical  command  ?  It 
mattered  little,  and  no  one  could  predict  at  all,  whether  the  first  blow  would 
fall  on  the  town-meeting,  the  congress  in  its  session,  or  the  militia  company  on 
the  training-field.  The  troops  were  to  destroy  our  military  stores.  If  we 
could  collect  men  enough  to  defend  them,  we  would  form  round  them,  and 
stand  our  ground  ;  and,  if  the  troops  retired,  well :  if  not,  they  must  fire  the 
first  shot.  The  troops  were  to  disarm  and  disperse  the  new  militia.  If  a 
company  was  out  in  martial  array  for  the  purpose  of  defence,  they  must  stand 
their  ground,  and  retain  their  arms.  If  the  regulars  withdrew,  well :  if  not, 
the  militia  must  await  the  first  volley. 

Now,  what  was  all  this  but  a  call  for  martyrdom  ?  The  first  that  fell  must 
fall  as  martyrs.  The  battle  would  begin  with  the  shot  which  took  their  lives. 
No  call  could  be  made  demanding  more  fortitude,  more  nerve,  than  this. 
Many  a  man  can  rush  into  battle,  maddened  by  the  scene,  who  would  find  it 
hard  to  stand  in  his  line,  inactive,  to  await  the  volley,  if  it  must  come.  But 
our  people  were  thoroughly  instructed  in  their  cause.  They  had  studied  it, 
discussed  it  in  the  public  meeting  and  through  the  press,  carried  it  to  the 
Throne  of  Grace,  and  tried  it  by  every  test  they  knew.  They  had  made  up 
their  minds  to  the  issue,  and  were  prepared  to  accept  its  results.  When  the 
news  came,  at  night,  that  the  regulars  were  out,  and  marching  that  way,  the 
widow  awaked  her  only  son,  the  young  bride  summoned  her  husband,  the 
motherless  child  her  father.  "  The  regulars  are  out,  and  something  must  be 
done  ! "  Yes,  something  must  be  done.  That  something  was  to  stand  on  the 
defensive,  and  meet  death  if  it  came,  and  then  meet  war  with  war.  The  militia 
came  together  on  this  green  in  full  ranks,  with  drums  beating  and  colors  flying. 
They  acted  under  the  eye  and  counsel  of  Adams  and  Hancock,  and  of  their 
own  wise,  venerated,  patriotic  pastor.  The  men  separated  on  the  doubt  as  to 


MR.     DANA'S    ORATION.  2$ 

the  truth  of  the  report,  with  orders  to  rally  at  the  drum-beat  and  the  alarm- 
guns.  The  first  messengers  sent  down  the  road  had  been  captured  ;  and  the 
great  force  was  moving  steadily  on.  One  scout,  more  fortunate,  escaped,  and 
spread  the  alarm  that  the  regulars  were  close  at  hand.  On  the  beat  of  drum, 
some  sixty  came  together  on  the  green.  Affecting  and  heroic  as  is  the  nar 
rative,  its  details  are  too  well  known  for  me  to  delay  oipon  them.  They  were 
ordered  to  load,  and  stand  in  line.  Strictly  in  accordance  with  the  command 
of  the  congress,  Capt.  Parker  ordered  them  not  to  fire  unless  fired  upon, 
and  not  to  disperse  but  by  his  command.  This,  of  course,  meant  war,  if  the 
king's  troops  initiated  it.  Ours  was  the  people's  militia,  organized  by  that  body 
politic  into  which  the  people  had  thrown  themselves,  and  bearing  arms  in  the 
common  defence  against  the  king's  troops,  by  what  they  deemed  their  inalien 
able  right,  the  surrender  of  which  was  the  surrender  of  their  liberty.  The 
Provincial  Congress  had  not  yet  established  a  general  system  suited  to 
extended  military  operations.  The  organization  had  not  got  much  beyond  the 
town  companies  of  minute-men  and  the  alarm-lists.  No  one  could  know,  on 
this  sudden  call  and  close-impending  crisis,  exactly  what  was  best  to  be  done. 
Each  band  must  act  for  itself.  But  had  we  begun  the  attack,  however  suc 
cessfully,  we  should  have  broken  every  promise,  disappointed  every  wish, 
counteracted  every  plan,  shocked  the  public  sense,  alienated  the  doubtful ; 
and  the  cause  would  have  been  thrown  back,  if  not  defeated.  Whatever  might 
have  been  wisest,  if  there  were  time  for  deliberation,  and  heads  authorized 
to  plan  the  work  for  the  whole  day,  one  thing  these  few  men  felt  was  bravest, 
most  becoming  the  Massachusetts  freeman,  and  most  in  accordance  with  the 
policy  of  the  people  ;  and  that  was,  to  stand  their  ground,  with  loaded  arms  in 
their  hands,  as  a  lawful  militia,  on  their  lawful  training-field,  prepared  for  what 
ever  might  befall  them  ;  ready,  if  need  be,  as  Lexington  had  promised  Boston, 
"to  sacrifice  life  itself  in  the  common  cause;"  feeling,  in  the  words  of  the 
Middlesex  Resolves,  that  "  he  can  never  die  too  soon  who  lays  down  his  life 
in  support  of  the  laws  and  liberties  of  his  country." 

Here  let  me  call  your  attention  aside  for  one   moment.     The  people  of 
Massachusetts  have  received  no  little  commendation,  in  some  quarters,  from 


24  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

the  notion  that  they  were  simple,  peaceful  yeomen  and  mechanics,  unused  to 
war  and  its  works,  facing  for  the  first  time  regular  troops  of  a  warlike  nation. 
That  praise  is  not  our  due,  to  the  extent  supposed.  True,  they  had  not  seen 
war  on  their  own  soil  since  the  last  Indian  fights,  and  the  younger  of  the 
minute-men  had  not  served  in  actual  war  at  all.  But,  from  the  foundation  of  the 
Colony  to  the  last  European  peace,  the  Colonists  had  had  constant  experience 
in  savage  and  civilized  warfare.  The  Puritans  had  no  scruples  about  the  use  of 
arms.  Their  pastors  sometimes  went  with  them  to  the  field  ;  and  the  militia, 
when  in  array,  had  their  place  in  the  public  worship.  During  the  great  French 
war,  every  fifth  man  of  Massachusetts  had  been  in  the  service ;  and  a  larger 
proportion  of  our  able-bodied  men  had  been  mustered  into  service  during  the 
seven  years  of  that  war,  than  Napoleon  had  led  into  the  field  from  the  French 
people  at  the  height  of  his  power  ;  in  fact,  the  people  of  Massachusetts  had 
been,  up  to  that  time,  one  of  the  most  martial  people  on  earth.  The  his 
torian  Minot  tells  us,  that,  in  1/57,  one-third  of  the  effective  men  of  this 
Colony  were  in  the  field,  in  some  form  or  other.  In  the  expedition  to  the 
West  Indies  in  1740,  Massachusetts  sent  five  hundred  men,  of  whom  only 
fifty  returned  alive ;  and,  of  that  force  sent  out,  at  least  six  were  men  of  Lex 
ington.  Of  the  four  thousand  and  seventy  men  at  Louisburg,  Massachusetts 
sent  three  thousand  two  hundred  and  fifty.  The  military  records  of  your 
town  are  mostly  lost ;  but  Lexington  proves  in  the  service,  between  1748  and 
1762,  a  yearly  average  of  from  twenty  to  twenty-five  men.  Men  of  Lexington 
were  with  the  Massachusetts  troops  under  Wolfe  and  Howe,  Abercrombie 
and  Amherst,  at  Quebec,  Ticonderoga,  and  Crown  Point.  Massachusetts,  in 
1775,  was  full  of  men  who  had  been  under  fire,  who  had  held  respectable 
commands  in  the  field,  and  had  learned  something  of  strategy  and  of  military 
engineering.  The  training-field  was  as  sacred  to  liberty  as  the  meeting-house ; 
and  the  old  musket  hung  in  the  chimney  corner  as  the  old  family  Bible  lay 
upon  the  table. 

When  the  events  of  that  day  assumed  their  serious  aspect,  the  British 
sought  to  prove  that  this  little  band  fired  first.  Not  only  is  this  improbable, 
nay,  absurd  in  itself,  and  contradicted  by  all  our  testimony ;  but  no  British 


MR.    DANA'S    ORATION.  25 

officer  speaks  of  more  than  what  he  heard  and  believed  at  the  time.  As  they 
neared  Lexington,  the  report  came  to  them,  that  some  five  hundred  men  were 
under  arms  ;  and  I  am  not  disinclined  to  reconcile  their  testimony  with  the 
facts,  by  the  consideration  that  they  heard  the  roll  of  our  drums,  and  perhaps 
saw  the  flash  or  heard  the  report  of  our  signal-guns,  intended  ,to  call  our  men 
together,  and  thought  them  a  defiance  ;  and  perhaps  officers  in  the  centre  or 
rear  might  have  thought  them  hostile  shots.  But  the  front  knew  they  had  not 
been  fired  upon,  and  saw  the  short,  thin  line  of  sixty  men  with  arms  at  rest. 
Pitcairn,  when  he  rode  up  to  them,  and  ordered  them  to  surrender  their  arms 
and  disperse,  knew  they  had  not  fired.  He  was  not  the  man  to  talk  after 
hostile  shots.  Pitcairn  has  had  the  fate  which  befalls  many  men  who  carry 
out  orders  that  afterwards  prove  fatally  ill-judged.  When  he  ordered  our  men 
to  surrender  their  arms  and  disperse,  he  was  executing  the  orders  of  his  com- 
mander-in-chief  and  of  his  king.  If  Britain  was  in  the  right,  Pitcairn  was  in 
the  right.  Twice  they  were  ordered  to  surrender  their  arms  and  disperse  ; 
and.  twice  they  refused  to  obey,  and  stood  their  ground.  Then  came  the  fatal 
fire;  and  why  not?  Gen.  Gage  had  been  authorized  to  use  the  troops  for 
this  very  purpose.  He  was  authorized  to  fire  upon  the  people,  if  necessary 
to  enforce  the  new  laws,  without  waiting  for  the  civil  magistrate.  He  had 
resolved  to  do  so.  Had  th,at  volley  subdued  the  resistance  of  Massachusetts, 
Pitcairn  would  have  been  the  hero  of  the  drama.  Was  he  to  leave  a  military 
array  behind  him,  and  not  attempt  to  disarm  and  disband  them  ?  If  they 
refused,  was  he  to  give  it  up  ?  I  have  never  thought  it  just  or  generous  to 
throw  upon  the  brave,  rough  soldier,  who  fell  while  mounting  the  breastworks 
at  Bunker  Hill,  the  fault  which  lay  on  the  king,  the  parliament,  the  ministry, 
and  the  commander-in-chief.  The  truth  is,  the  issue  was  inevitable.  The  first 
force  of  that  kind  which  the  king's  troops  found  in  martial  array,  was  to  be 
disarmed  and  disbanded ;  and,  if  they  refused  to  obey,  they  were  to  be  fired 
upon.  Both  sides  knew  this,  and  were  prepared  for  it.  It  is  inconsistent  in 
us,  and  an  unworthy  view  of  this  crisis,  to  treat  it  as  a  wanton  and  ruthless 
slaughter  of  unoffending  citizens  by  an  armed  force.  It  takes  from  the  event 
its  dignity  and  historic  significance.  It  was  no  such  accidental  and  personal 


26  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

matter.  It  was  an  affair  of  state.  It  was  the  inevitable  collision  between 
organized  forces  representing  two  antagonistic  systems,  each  a  de  facto  body 
politic,  claiming  authority  and  demanding  obedience,  on  the  same  spot  at  the 
same  time.  If  our  cause  was  wrong,  and  resistance  to  the  new  laws  unjustifi 
able,  our  popular  militia  was  an  unlawful  band,  and  ought  to  surrender  its  arms 
and  disperse.  If  our  cause  was  right,  Capt.  Parker's  company  was  a  lawful 
array,  and  their  loaded  guns  were  lawfully  in  their  hands  ;  they  had  a  right  to 
stand  in  their  line,  on  their  training-field,  before  their  homes,  and  beside  their 
church,  ready  to  shed  their  blood  in  the  cause,  and  to  fire  when  fired  upon. 
They  were  determined  neither  to  attack,  nor  to  fly  ;  neither  to  surrender  their 
arms,  nor  to  fire  first ;  but  to  fire  when  fired  upon  ;  all  in  strict  obedience  to 
the  line  of  duty  enjoined  on  them  by  the  Continental  Congress,  by  the  votes 
of  the  towns,  and  the  counsels  of  their  leaders.  The  issue  was  made  up  just 
then  and  just  there.  If  you  mean  to  subjugate  and  disarm  this  people,  you 
may  begin  here  and  now.  Of  this  issue,  in  the  language  of  the  common  law, 
they  put  themselves  upon  the  country.  The  British  did  the  like.  The  trial  of 
that  issue,  in  the  presence  of  the  world,  began  with  the  first  volley  on  Lexing 
ton  Green,  and  lasted  six  years.  The  battle  of  the  igth  April  began  on  this 
spot,  and  ended  at  Charlestown  Neck.  The  war  of  the  Revolution  began  at 
Lexington,  and  ended  at  Yorktown. 

Have  I  not  demonstrated  what  I  undertook  to  show  ?  —  that  not  we,  but  the 
British  king  and  parliament,  were  the  revolutionists,  the  innovators,  the  radical 
subverters  of  institutions  ;  that  we  were  the  conservators  of  time-honored, 
dearly-loved  institutions  of  self-government  and  home  rule  ;  and  that,  on  that 
morning,  on  this  spot,  your  townsmen  were  intentionally,  intelligently,  the 
first  martyrs,  yet  martyrs  in  war  ;  and  that  on  this  field  war  began.  When 
ever  the  king's  troops,  to  enforce  the  new  system,  met  the  people's  troops, 
organized  and  armed  to  resist  its  enforcement,  and  fired  upon  them,  each 
in  martial  array,  the  war  began.  The  commencement  of  a  war  is  unilateral. 
One  party  can  initiate  it.  It  requires  no  formal  announcements  or  ceremonies. 
Here  both  parties  stood  ready  for  war.  Our  soldiers  loaded  their  guns,  by 
military  command,  to  fire  if  fired  upon  ;  and  the  war  began  with  the  volley 


MR.    DANA'S    ORATION.  27 

and  the  falling  of  the  dead  and  wounded.     It  may  not  be  of  much  account 
in  any  political  or  strategic  sense,  but  it  is  a  satisfaction  to  our  pride  in  our 
ancestors,  to   know,  that   rashly  it    may  be,  uselessly  perhaps,  but   bravely 
beyond  doubt,  the  moment  the  British  fire   authorized    us  to  use  the   guns 
we  had  loaded  for  the  purpose,  and  met  the  condition  in  Capt.  Parker's  order, 
"  unless  fired  upon,"  the  fire  was   returned  by  men  still   standing   in  their 
line,  in  their  martial  array ;  and  that  the  line  was  not  abandoned  until  they 
were  ordered  to  disperse  by  their  captain,  who  saw  that  the  regulars  were 
hastening  up,  on  both  flanks,  to  surround  and  capture  them  ;  and  that,  when 
the  survivors  withdrew,  they  took  their  arms  with  them.     It  is  not  of  much 
account,  that  a  regular  of  the  Tenth  Regiment,  and  another,  were  wounded, 
and  that  the  horse  of  the  commander  was  grazed  by  two  balls  ;  but  it  is  a  sat 
isfaction  to  know,  that  here  in  Lexington  was  not  only  the  first  hostile  volley 
fired  by  British  troops  at  provincial  troops,  but  the  first  shots  fired  back  by 
our  troops  at  theirs.     You  recall  with  pride  too,  that,  no  sooner  had  the  regu 
lars  resumed  their  march,  than  your  minute-men  rallied,  took  six  prisoners  who 
had  straggled  from  the  line  ;  joined  in  the  pursuit  of  the  British  from  the  Lin 
coln  and  Concord  line  to  Charlestown  Neck  ;  and  that  in  that  pursuit  three 
more  men  of  Lexington  laid  down  their  lives,  of  whom  one  had  been  wounded 
on  the  green  in  the  morning.    You  read  with  ever  renewed  satisfaction,  that  on 
the  rolls  of  that  day  Lexington  stands  first :  ten  of  her  townsmen  killed, — 
seven  in  the  morning  on  the  green,  and  three  in  the  afternoon  in  the  pursuit, 
—  and  first  in  the  list  of  wounded,  nine;  nineteen  in  all,  from  your  small 
population,  who  suffered  death  or  wounds  in  the  common  cause.     The  pecu 
niary  loss  of  Lexington    that   day  in    houses  and  other  property  destroyed, 
nearly  two  thousand  pounds  sterling,  bore  a  large  proportion  to  the  whole  pro 
perty  of  the  town.    Well  did  she  redeem  her  modest  promise  to  Boston  ,  "  We 
trust  in  God.  .  .  .,  we  shall  be  ready  to  sacrifice  our  estates,  and  every  thing 
dear  in  life,  yea,  and  life  itself,  in  support  of  the  common  cause."    Well  did  she 
prove  her  faith  that  "  he  can  never  die  too  soon  who  lays  down  his  life  in  sup 
port  of  the  laws  and  liberties  of  his  country."     Vain  was  the  British  cheer, 
and  their  volley  of  triumph  fired  into  the  air !     It  was  the  soldier's  farewell 
shot,  over  the  buried  monarchy  of  England  ! 


28  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

The  news  of  Lexington  spread  with  a  rapidity  almost  preternatural.  At 
noon  that  day,  a  courier  rode  into  Worcester,  his  jaded  horse  falling  exhausted 
at  the  meeting-house  steps,  and  proclaimed  the  tragedy  at  Lexington  ;  and  the 
minute-men,  after  prayer  from  their  pastor,  set  out  on  their  march  for  Cam 
bridge.  Lincoln,  Concord,  and  Acton  heard  the  news  at  once,  an  hour  or 
more  before  the  regulars  reached  the  centre  of  Concord  ;  and  when,  some 
four  hours  later,  Major  Buttrick,  and  Capt.  Isaac  Davis  and  his  men  of  Acton, 
led  the  column  of  attack  upon  the  British  outpost  at  the  bridge  over  Concord 
River,  they  marched  under  a  new  order  of  things.  The  spell  had  been  broken. 
War  was  begun.  There  were  no  questions  left  then  but  of  strategy,  courage, 
and  prudence. 

I  will  not  lead  you  through  the  familiar  details  of  the  rest  of  that  day,  —  the 
singular  insensibility  of  the  British  commander  to  the  perils  gathering  about 
him,  lingering  two  hours  in  Concord  after  the  affair  at  the  North  Bridge,  think 
ing,  because  the  main  body  was  not  molested,  and  the  daring  affair  at  the  bridge 
was  not  followed  up,  nothing  more  would  be  done  ;  the  militia  pouring  in  from 
all  sides,  showing  themselves  on  the  hills,  and  along  the  by-roads  ;  the  British 
fire  and  our  reply  near  the  Lincoln  line  ;  the  intermittent  attack  and  defence 
of  the  next  two  hours  ;  the  hurried  march,  turning  almost  into  flight,  along 
the  highways;  the  salvation  of  the  party  by  the  arrival  of  Lord  Percy  ;  the 
violences  and  outrages  by  the  humiliated,  distracted,  desperate  soldiery;  the 
flank  attacks  of  the  militia  as  they  came  in  from  more  distant  towns  ;  and,  at 
last,  the  bare  escape  of  the  survivors  of  the  expedition,  as  they  crossed  the 
Neck  at  Charlestown,  at  sunset,  and  came  under  the  protection  of  the  fire  of 
their  batteries  and  ships  of  war.  Great,  indeed,  was  the  change  between  day 
break  and  sunset  of  that  day.  At  daybreak,  there  was  a  state  of  legal  peace. 
At  sunset,  the  siege  of  Boston  had  begun.  f  No  British  soldier  set  foot  beyond 
the  two  peninsulas  after  that  night.  Patriotic  citizens  from  New  Hampshire, 
Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut  were  on  their  march  by  noon  of  the  2Oth. 
One  force  from  New  Hampshire  marched  fifty-five  miles  in  twenty  hours,  and 
mustered  on  Cambridge  Common  at  sunrise  of  the  2ist.  Putnam  rode  one  hun 
dred  miles  in  eighteen  hours,  and  reached  Cambridge  early  on  the  2ist.  Green 


MR.     DANA'S    ORATION.  2  9 

from  Rhode  Island  was  at  Cambridge,  and  Stark  and  his  force  from  New 
Hampshire  at  Chelsea,  on  the  22d.  As  the  news  spread  to  the  middle  and 
southern  Colonies,  they  accepted  it  as  war,  and  mustered  in  arms.  But  these 
subsequent  events  are  to  have  their  appropriate  celebrations.  We  will  not 
anticipate  them.  We  are  here  to-day  to  commemorate  first  what  was  done  at 
Lexington,  and  the  heroic  conduct  of  her  sons.  This  is  due  to  her  and  to  them. 
But  we  are  here,  also,  to  remember  the  dead  of  that  day,  from  other  towns,  who 
laid  down  their  lives  in  the  common  cause ;  the  seven  killed  of  Danvers,  the 
six  of  Cambridge,  the  five  of  Needham,  the  four  of  Lynn,  the  three  of  Acton, 
the  two  each  of  Sudbury,  Woburn,  Medford,  and  Charlestown,  and  the  one 
each  of  Bedford,  Watertown,  Dedham,  Brookline,  Salem,  and  Beverly  ;  and  the 
wounded  of  all  those  towns,  and  of  Concord,  Framingham,  Stowe,  Billerica, 
Newton,  and  Chelmsford.  We  are  here  to  join  heartily  in  sympathy  with 
those  thousands  who,  at  this  hour,  are  commemorating  at  Concord  the 
momentous  work  done  within  her  limits,  the  second  scene  in  the  drama  of  this 
day  so  heroically  enacted  at  the  North  Bridge.  This  is  the  dawn  of  seven  years 
of  centennial  commemorations  all  over  the  soil  of  the  old  thirteen  States,  to  be 
joined  in  by  the  people  of  this  vast  empire,  of  all  kindreds  and  races  and 
tongues,  from  Canada  to  Mexico,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific, —  a  sight  the 
like  of  which  the  world  has  never  seen ;  and  scarce  a  tongue  in  any  part  of 
the  civilized  world  utters  a  doubt  of  the  justice  of  our  cause. 

Men,  women,  children  of  Lexington,  here  opened  that  great  drama  which 
was  not  to  close  till  the  last  scene  was  witnessed  at  Yorktown.  It  began  with 
the  first  fire  of  British  troops  in  martial  array  on  American  troops  in  martial 
array,  and  did  not  end  until  the  last  British  soldier  left  the  soil  of  the  new 
Republic,  and  our  independence  was  recognized.  At  the  close  of  the  last  cen 
tury,  you  erected  your  first  monument  on  this  spot.  Lafayette,  who  saw  the 
surrender  at  Yorktown,  came,  in  September,  1824,  to  see  the  spot  where  began 
the  contest  in  which  he  took  so  noble  and  disinterested  a  part,  and  clasped 
hands  with  fourteen  of  the  surviving  heroes  of  the  day.  In  1835  you  re-interred 
your  heroic  dead  under  your  simple  monument,  consecrated  by  the  eloquence 
of  Everett.  In  1852  Louis  Kossuth,  an  exile  from  the  banks  of  the  Danube, 


30  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

after  the  disastrous  war  for  the  independence  of  Hungary,  made  a  pilgrimage 
to  this  place,  to  pay  his  devotions  "  to  the  birthplace  of  American  liberty," 
and  said  of  your  patriot  dead,  in  words  you  must  never  let  die,  as  true  as  they 
are  eloquent :  "  It  is  their  sacrificed  blood  in  which  is  written  the  preface  of 
your  nation's  history.  Their  death  was  and  ever  will  be  the  first  bloody  reve 
lation  of  America's  destiny,  and  Lexington  the  opening  scene  of  a  revolution 
that  is  destined  to  change  the  character  of  human  governments,  and  the  con 
dition  of  the  human  race." 

God  grant,  that,  if  a  day  of  peril  shall  come,  the  people  of  this  Republic,  so 
favored,  so  numerous,  so  prosperous,  so  rich,  so  educated,  so  triumphant,  may 
meet  it  —  and  we  can  ask  no  more  —  with  as  much  of  intelligence,  self- 
control,  self-devotion,  and  fortitude  as  did  the  men  of  this  place,  in  their 
fewness,  simplicity,  and  poverty,  one  hundred  years  ago ! 


MORNING  EXERCISES  IN  THE  PAVILION. 


OPENING     ADDRESS 

BY  THOMAS  MERIAM  STETSON,  ESQ.,  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  DAY, 


FELLOW -CITIZENS,  —  It  is  a  high  privilege  for  those  of  us  who  derive 
descent  from  the  minute-men  of  April  19,  1775,  and  from  kinship  as  well  as 
American  citizenship  revere  their  memories,  to  see  the  grand  respect  paid  to 
these  men  and  their  acts  by  this  mighty  concourse  to-day.  Farm  and  factory, 
forum  and  mart,  have  sent  the  lovers  of  their  country,  the  lovers  of  the  only 
firm,  concrete,  constitutional  liberty  in  the  world,  to  this  little  country  town 
to-day,  to  contemplate  the  magnificent  devotion  of  your  ancestors  to  freedom. 
It  is  wise  to  devote  these  cyclic,  centennial  days  to  our  whole  country ;  that 
the  sounds  of  labor  be  stilled  ;  that  capitol  and  court  close  ;  and  with  pealing 
music,  waving  flags,  and  ringing  bells,  with  anthem  and  with  eulogy,  to 
gather  at  the  historic  places  of  America,  and  study  the  portraits  hung 
forever  in  the  galleries  of  national  glory.  And  whether  the  real  Declara 
tion  of  Independence  was  written  out  in  those  stately  words  of  the  nation's 
self-granted  charter,  or  was  proclaimed  by  actions  that  speak  louder 
yet,  —  by  the  shouts  of  rallying  patriots,  and  the  rattle  of  their  muskets 
upon  this  battle-ground,  —  no  better  use  can  be  made  of  the  day  than  to 
review  its  circumstances,  recall  its  voices,  and  rekindle  the  flame  of  patriotism 
in  our  hearts. 

Memorial  objects  surround  us.  On  the  very  spot  where  you  sit  the  roll 
of  John  Parker's  company  was  called ;  there  Jonas  Harrington  met  his 
death ;  but  in  no  passive  mood  did  that  warlike  soul  depart.  There  fell 
John  Brown,  battling  by  the  wounded  slave  Prince  Esterbrook.  These 
houses  around  us  have  their  story.  From  that  one  the  minute-men  fired 
upon  the  royal  troops,  and  it  still  holds  the  bullets  returned.  In  its  chamber 
a  British  grenadier  died  that  day.  The  ancient  monument  is  by  our  side 
with  its  solemn  Scripture  that  one  of  the  high  priests  of  the  Revolution 
wrote  upon  it :  "  Sacred  to  Liberty  and  the  rights  of  Mankind,  the  Freedom 
and  Independence  of  America,  Sealed  and  Defended  by  the  Blood  of  her 


34  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

Sons."     Here,  here,  is  the  place  to  recall  the  virtue  and  glory  of  your  heroic 

ancestors. 

At  siinul  heroiim  laudes,  et  facta  parentis 
Jam  legere  j  et  quoe  sit poteris  cognoscere  -virtus. 

Citizens  of  Lexington,  —  You  have  made  it  my  grateful  duty  to  extend 
your  welcome  to  the  guests  who  to-day  pay  the  tribute  of  their  presence  at 
the  old  battle-ground.  No  splendor  of  display,  no  glitter  or  tinsel  of  wealth 
and  power,  has  brought  them  from  the  bounds  of  the  wide  Union ;  but  they 
come  with  the  deep  and  proud  respect  which  all  America  pays  to  the  spot 
where  her  liberty  was  born.  On  this  field  all  local  jealousies  and  differ 
ences  cease.  The  blood  here  shed  was  for  our  whole  country.  New 
England  then  stood  forth  for  all ;  and  if,  in  the  broad  land  over  which  waves 
the  national  flag,  there  are  those  who  misunderstand  and  mislike  her,  all 
antipathies  are  hushed  and  stilled  at  Bunker  Hill,  at  Concord,  and  at  Lex 
ington. 

To  our  guests  from  near  and  far,  from  the  sister  Colonies  of  the  old 
thirteen,  and  from  imperial  States  undreamed  of  among  the  possibilities 
of  the  then  future,  we  tender  a  cordial  and  respectful  welcome. 

We  welcome  the  Ancient  Military  Corporation  of  the  Massachusetts,  to 
whose  venerable  antiquity  Lexington  yields  precedence  in  time  :  the  numerous 
representatives  here  to-day  from  the  army  and  navy ;  from  the  Grand  Army 
of  the  Republic ;  and  with  loving  and  tender  and  filial  veneration  we  greet 
the  silver-haired  veterans  of  1812,  whose  few  remaining  forms  yet  linger 
to  grace  our  services,  and  hallow  the  great  days  of  the  Republic  still. 

We  welcome  the  Judiciary,  whose  dignified  position  is  so  enhanced  and 
relieved  when  a  people  is  ready  to  fight  and  die  for  the  form  and  substance 
of  Law.  And,  now  that  arms  have  given  place  to  the  robes  of  peace,  we 
welcome  the  delegations  from  the  societies  and  the  universities. 

And  we  heartily  welcome  our  guests  from  the  neighboring  towns,  whose 
fraternal  rally  saved  the  iQth  of  April,  and  changed  its  morning  of  gloom 
and  horror  into  jubilant  victory.  Never  will  Lexington  forget  the  timely 
aid,  when  the  great  Woburn  company,  under  Col.  Baldwin,  joined  Capt. 
Parker's  men  in  the  afternoon,  and  vengeance  was  taken  for  the  slaughter 
of  the  morning.  Never  will  Lexington  forget  the  devotion  of  Danvers,  the 
town  where  Israel  Putnam  was  born;  whose  citizens,  with  the  "  Sword 
of  the  Lord,  and  of  Gideon "  Foster,  with  their  deacon  at  their  head,  and 
their  minister  for  his  lieutenant,  marched  sixteen  miles  in  four  hours  to 
their  slaughter-pen  at  the  foot  of  the  rocks. 

And  must  we  now  and  henceforth  omit  to  greet  the  men  of  '75  ?  The 
funeral  drums  have  long  since  heralded  to  the  grave  the  last  survivor  of  those 
venerable  forms  who  so  long  attended  our  celebrations  ;  but,  if  it  is  true  that 


PR  A  YER.  35 

the  dead  ever  revisit  the  scenes  of  their  earthly  grandeur,  what  invisible 
auditors  throng  around  us  to-day !  Adams  and  Hancock,  whose  veiled 
presences  stand  upon  this  platform,  are  with  us.  They  are  all  with  us. 
For,  of  the  rewards  which  Heaven  gives  to  those  who  strive  and  die  for  their 
country,  we  can  conceive  none  more  magnificent  than  the  gratitude  of  a 
Nation  saved  to  Liberty.  Their  heaven  to-day  will  be  here.  The  dead 
heroes  are  with  us  in  our  triumphal  pageant.  We  reverently  welcome  their 
companionship  to-day. 


PRAYER 

BY  THE  REV.  HENRY  WESTCOTT. 

INFINITE  and  all  holy  God!  We,  Thy  children,  ever  mindful  of  Thy  good 
ness,  and  realizing  that  our  lives  are  filled  with  tokens  of  Thy  love  for  which 
we  should  ever  be  thankful,  meet  here  to-day  to  give  Thee  our  thanks  for  the 
blessings  which  Thou  hast  poured  out  upon  this  nation  during  the  past  one 
hundred  years.  Standing  upon  ground  which  is  hallowed  on  account  of  the 
blood  here  first  shed  in  defence  of  those  liberties  which  our  forefathers 
believed  came  from  Thee,  our  hearts  prompt  us  to  give  Thee  our  sincere  and 
earnest  thanks  for  the  virtues  of  those  men  who  shed  their  blood  here  on 
that  morning,  and  also  for  the  virtues  of  those  who,  in  this  colony  and  in 
all  the  colonies,  were  prepared  to  follow  them  in  their  great  sacrifice.  We 
thank  Thee,  O  heavenly  Father,  for  their  patience  and  long-suffering  under 
oppression ;  that  they  were  slow  to  take  up  arms  to  secure  their  liberties 
until  every  other  possible  measure  had  been  tried ;  and  we  also  thank  Thee 
for  their  firmness  and  courage  by  which  they  were  enabled,  when  they  were 
spurned  from  an  earthly  throne,  to  take  their  lives  in  their  hands,  and  appeal 
to  Him  who  is  King  both  of  earth  and  of  heaven. 

We  to-day,  O  Father  in  heaven,  especially  remember  those  who  poured 
out  their  blood  here  on  that  eventful  morning.  We  thank  Thee  for  their 
courage,  and  also  their  faith  in  Thee,  which  enabled  them  to  pass  through 
those  scenes  of  trial  and  distress  which  preceded  that  day,  and  which,  when 
the  day  came,  found  them  faithful  at  their  posts  of  duty.  May  their  memory, 
O  God,  ever  be  a  blessing,  not  only  to  this  town  and  this  colony,  but  to 
all  this  nation,  inspiring  the  hearts  of  the  people  with  such  a  love  of  country 
and  such  a  love  of  Thee,  that  we  all  may  be  ready  to  make  whatever 
sacrifices  Thou  mayest  call  for,  in  order  that  we  may  support  the  liberties 
which  they  obtained,  and  honor  and  serve  Thee,  their  God  and  our  God. 

We  would  remember  also  those  who  came  to  their  assistance  on  that 
eventful  day,  and  all  who  on  that  day  rose  up,  an  united  band,  and  drove 


36  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

those  who  were  worse  than  invaders  from  the  soil  of  this  town ;  and  we 
thank  Thee,  O  heavenly  Father,  for  that  spirit  of  resistance,  and  love  of 
country  and  love  of  Thee,  which  enabled  so  many  of  their  fellow-citizens  at 
that  time  to  heed  the  call  which  their  blood  made  from  this  soil,  and  to  take 
up  arms,  and  march  on  to  the  defence  of  their  country. 

Our  heavenly  Father,  we  would  thank  Thee  for  the  many  blessings  which 
Thou  hast  poured  out  on  our  land  since  that  day.  We  know  that  Thou  dost 
not  change ;  that,  although  this  century  which  has  passed  seems  to  us 
a  long  time,  it  is  only  as  yesterday  to  Thee,  with  whom  a  hundred  years 
are  as  a  day. 

We,  O  God,  would  thank  Thee  for  the  long  list  of  blessings  and  the 
goodness  which  Thou  hast  bestowed  upon  this  nation.  We  thank  Thee,  O 
our  heavenly  Father,  for  its  material  prosperity,  for  all  that  tends  to  build 
up  its  material  greatness  and  power.  We  thank  Thee,  O  God,  for  the  insti 
tutions  of  learning  which  are  spread  over  this  land.  We  thank  Thee  for 
our  government,  —  a  government  by  the  people  and  for  the  people,  —  and  we 
thank  Thee  for  that  gospel  which  was  the  faith  of  our  forefathers,  and  which 
is  still  the  faith  of  their  sons ;  and  may  it  be  the  faith  of  our  children's 
children  until  time  shall  end ! 

We  thank  Thee,  O  God,  that  that  faith  of  our  forefathers  is  preserved  to  us, 
and  that  we  still  have  that  which  they  treasured  so  highly,  even  above 
political  liberty,  —  the  liberty  wherewith  Christ  made  them,  and  has 
made  us  all  free. 

Our  heavenly  Father,  our  hearts  prompt  us  at  this  hour  to  ask  Thee  to 
be  the  protector  and  sustainer  of  our  country ;  but  we  would  rather  ask 
Thee  to  keep  our  nation  in  the  path  of  righteousness,  by  which  alone  is  a 
nation  exalted,  and  to  keep  it  from  the  paths  of  sin,  by  which  any  nation, 
however  strong  and  powerful  it  may  seem,  becomes  a  reproach  upon  the  earth. 

We  pray,  O  God,  that  we  may  have  that  trust  in  Thee  which  our  forefathers 
had  ;  that  we  may  have  that  reliance  upon  Thee  which  they  had ;  and  thus 
we  shall  be  assured  that  our  nation  will  be  preserved  among  the  nations 
of  the  earth,  and  will  receive  Thy  choicest  blessings. 

O  God,  we  realize  that  the  blessings  which  Thou  didst  grant  unto  our 
forefathers,  and  which  Thou  hast  poured  out  upon  us,  —  liberty,  both  political 
and  religious,  —  are  not  blessings  that  we  are  to  use  in  a  selfish  manner; 
that  they  are  not  given  to  us  for  ourselves  alone,  but  for  all  the  nations 
of  the  earth ;  and  may  we  realize  the  worth  of  these  blessings,  and  what 
devolves  upon  us,  so  that  we  may  feel  that  it  is  our  mission  to  be  the 
guide  of  all  other  nations ;  that  they,  too,  may  follow  in  our  footsteps,  and 
gain  that  freedom  which  our  fathers  gained,  and  have  handed  down  to  us. 
We  pray,  O  heavenly  Father,  that  Thy  Spirit  may  rest  upon  us  here.  We 
feel  that  we  are  on  holy  ground.  We  feel  that  Thy  Spirit  is  here,  as  well 


MR.     WHITTIER'S    POEM.  37 

as  the  spirits  of  those  above  who  have  been  faithful,  in  their  time,  to  the 
principles  of  religious  and  civil  liberty.  We  feel  that  we  are  overshadowed 
by  their  presence  ;  and,  in  such  a  great  company  of  witnesses,  O  God,  may 
we  have  no  thought  unworthy  of  Thy  presence,  or  unworthy  of  this  sacred 
and  holy  time ! 

Father,  we  commend  our  nation  unto  Thee.  We  pray  that  the  services 
of  this  day  may  lead  us  not  to  feel  that  our  town  is  exalted,  but  that  all  the 
nation  is  exalted.  We  pray  that  the  services  of  this  day,  held  here  and  in 
the  neighboring  town,  and  wherever  fellow-citizens  may  meet  together  to 
speak  of  the  things  of  which  this  day  reminds  us,  may  be  blessed  unto  this 
.people  by  awakening  in  their  hearts  a  deeper  feeling  of  patriotism,  a  holier 
love  of  Thee,  and  a  sublime  sense  of  Thy  leadership  in  our  government. 

O  God,  we  pray  that  the  blessings  of  the  gospel  of  Christ  may  rest  upon 
this  people ;  and  as  Thy  children,  and  disciples  of  our  Lord  and  Saviour,  we 
offer  Thee  our  prayer.  Amen. 


The  Boylston  Club  then  sang  Eichberg's  national  hymn, 
"  To  thee,  O  country,  great  and  free ;  " 

After  which  Scripture  selections  were  read  by  the  Rev.  John  Wesley  Church 
ill,  from  an  old  copy  of  the  Bible  presented  to  the  Lexington  Church  by  Gov. 
Hancock. 


POEM 

BY  JOHN  G.  WHITTIER. 
LEXINGTON  — 1775. 

No  maddening  thirst  for  blood  had  they, 
No  battle-joy  was  theirs  who  set 
Against  the  alien  bayonet 

Their  homespun  breasts  in  that  old  day. 

Their  feet  had  trodden  peaceful  ways, 
They  loved  not  strife,  they  dreaded  pain  ; 
They  saw  not,  what  to  us  is  plain, 

That  God  would  make  man's  wrath  his  praise. 


38  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

No  seers  were  they,  but  simple  men : 
Its  vast  results  the  future  hid  ; 
The  meaning  of  the  work  they  did 

Was  strange  and  dark  and  doubtful  then. 

Swift  as  the  summons  came  they  left 
The  plough,  mid-furrow,  standing  stiL ; 
The  half-ground  corn-grist  in  the  mill 

The  spade  in  earth,  the  axe  in  cleft. 

They  went  where  duty  seemed  to  call ; 
They  scarcely  asked  the  reason  why : 
They  only  knew  they  could  but  die, 

And  death  was  not  the  worst  of  all. 


Of  man  for  man  the  sacrifice, 

Unstained  by  blood  save  theirs,  they  gave  : 
The  flowers  that  blossomed  from  their  grave 

Have  sown  themselves  beneath  all  skies. 

Their  death-shot  shook  the  feudal  tower, 
And  shattered  slavery's  chain  as  well  : 
On  the  sky's  dome,  as  on  a  bell, 

Its  echo  struck  the  world's  great  hour. 

That  faithful  echo  is  not  dumb : 
The  nations,  listening  to  its  sound, 
Wait,  from  a  century's  vantage-ground, 

The  holier  triumphs  yet  to  come,  — 

The  bridal  time  of  Law  and  Love, 
The  gladness  of  the  world's  release, 
When,  war-sick,  at  the  feet  of  Peace, 

The  hawk  shall  nestle  with'  the  dove,  — 

The  golden  age  of  brotherhood, 

Unknown  to  other  rivalries 

Than  of  the  mild  humanities, 
And  gracious  interchange  of  good, 


MR.    HUDSON'S    ADDRESS.  39 

When  closer  strand  shall  lean  to  strand, 

Till  meet,  beneath  saluting  flags, 

The  eagle  of  our  mountain  crags, 
The  lion  of  our  Motherland. 


The  President.  —  The  next  act  of  our  ceremonial  devolves  upon  one  who 
has  done  so  much  for  Lexington,  —  her  venerable  historian,  Charles  Hudson. 


ADD  RESS 
BY  THE  HON.  CHARLES  HUDSON. 

[With  the  unveiling  of  the  statues  of  Hancock  and  Adams.] 

EVERY  nation  owes  its  birth  and  its  preservation  to  the  gallantry  of  its  sol 
diers  and  the  wisdom  of  its  statesmen.  Impressed  with  this  truth  and  the 
obligation  it  imposes,  the  people  of  Lexington  have  placed  in  their  Memorial 
Hall  the  statues  of  two  soldiers,  —  one  a  minute-man  of  the  Revolution,  the 
other  a  Union  soldier  of  the  late  war.  In  this  way  we  have  testified  our  just 
appreciation  of  the  military  and  the  value  of  their  services. 

But  we  feel  that  our  duty  is  but  half  done.  We  have  two  vacant  niches 
in  our  hall,  which  we  purpose  to  fill  with  the  statues  of  two  illustrious  states 
men,  in  grateful  acknowledgment  of  their  worth.  We  desire  that  the  gallantry 
of  the  soldier  and  the  wisdom  of  the  statesman  should  shed  their  combined 
lustre  in  our  consecrated  hall,  and  so  teach  the  rising  generation  that  the  civil 
and  the  military  power  are  both  essential  to  the  preservation  of  the  Republic. 

Nor  have  we  hesitated  in  the  selection  of  our  subjects.  Two  names  came 
to  us  unsought.  We  could  not  overlook  the  men  whose  ardent  devotion  to 
human  rights  had  excited  the  wrath  of  the  king,  the  ministry,  and  the  royal 
governor.  These  proscribed  patriots,  known  and  honored  throughout  the 
country,  were  particularly  identified  with  Lexington,  and  were  here  on  the 
famous  1 9th  of  April.  Returning  from  the  Provincial  Congress,  over  whose 
deliberations  one  had  presided  and  whose  counsels  the  other  had  con 
trolled,  they  had  taken  up  their  abode  with  their  friend  and  compeer  Rev. 
Jonas  Clark,  whose  heart  beat  in  unison  with  theirs,  and  whose  wisdom  and 
patriotism  made  his  house  a  favorite  place  of  resort  to  the  leading  patriots  of 
the  day.  Here  these  distinguished  statesmen  were  sojourning  to  avoid  the 
threatened  seizure  and  transportation  recommended  by  General  Gage.  Nor 
was  this  prompted  by  mere  selfishness.  They  were  moved  by  prudence 


40  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

rather  than  by  fear,  and  sought  their  country's  freedom  in  their  own  personal 
safety. 

The  elder  of  the  two,  in  the  midst  of  comparative  poverty  which  he  might 
have  bartered  for  boundless  wealth,  cheerfully  devoted  the  best  years  of  his 
life  to  the  cause  of  liberty,  and  did  more  to  baffle  the  designs  of  the  ministry 
and  prepare  the  colonies  for  self-government  than  any  other  man.  He  was, 
in  fact,  the  organizer  of  the  American  Revolution.  Far-seeing  and  sagacious, 
he  early  perceived  the  result  of  the  controversy,  and  kept  the  great  end  of 
colonial  independence  constantly  in  view. 

But,  while  he  labored  to  inculcate  the  principles  of  liberty  and  equal  rights 
with  all  the  steadfastness  of  a  sturdy  old  Puritan,  he  had  the  wisdom  to  avoid 
those  impracticable  extremes  into  which  many  ardent  men  are  apt  to  fall.  He 
knew  that  the  colonies  must  act  in  unison  ;  that  Massachusetts,  though 
goaded  on  nearly  to  desperation,  must  bear  and  forbear  till  the  other  colonies 
were  prepared  to  meet  the  crisis.  He  knew  that  it  would  be  madness  for  a 
single  colony  to  raise  the  standard  of  revolt,  and  attempt  alone  to  withstand 
the  giant  power  of  Great  Britain  ;  and  so  he  devoted  his  best  energies  to  unite 
the  colonies,  and  thus  make  common  cause  in  resisting  oppression.  Though 
his  feelings  were  ardent,  they  were  restrained  by  his  sound  judgment ;  and 
his  firm  religious  principles  forever  bound  him  to  the  interest  of  his  country. 
While  he  was  urging  more  moderation,  and  actually  holding  the  people  in  one 
section  back  from  overt  acts,  he  used  his  best  efforts  in  other  places  to  implant 
the  seeds  of  liberty,  and  prepare  the  people  for  the  impending  struggle. 

Meeting  his  opponents  at  every  point,  he  showed  them  that  we  stood  upon 
the  broad  basis  of  the  English  Constitution,  and  that  they  were  the  rebels  and 
the  violators  of  the  law.  When  taxation  was  the  theme  of  controversy,  they 
were  told  that  taxation  without  representation  was  repugnant  to  the  funda 
mental  principles  of  Magna  Charta.  When  troops  were  sent  here  to  enforce 
their  arbitrary  decrees  and  awe  the  people  into  submission,  they  were  told 
that,  by  the  fundamental  law  of  the  realm,  the  military  must  be  subordinate 
to  the  civil  power ;  and  that  standing  armies  in  times  of  peace  could  not  be 
lawfully  quartered  among  us  without  the  consent  of  our  legislature.  In  this 
way  he  defeated  the  designs  of  the  ministry,  and  laid  a  firm  foundation  for 
colonial  independence.  Nor  was  this  influence  confined  to  his  own  town  or 
colony.  In  every  change  of  affairs.,  in  every  new  scheme  of  oppression,  he 
was  the  first  to  give  the  alarm,  and  state  the  true  ground  of  opposition ;  and, 
taking  the  cue  from  him,  in  a  short  time  his  profound  axioms  became  house 
hold  words  in  every  part  of  the  colonies. 

He  allowed  nothing  to  divert  him  from  his  purpose.  Neither  elated  by  suc 
cess,  nor  depressed  by  temporary  defeats,  he  moved  steadily  onward,  and  gen 
erally  turned  adversity  to  his  own  account.  When  others  hesitated,  he  was 
ready  for  action.  Where  others  faltered,  he  stood  firm,  and  never  appeared 


MR.    HUDSON'S    ADDRESS.  41 

more  collected  or  more  truly  great  than  when  the  storm  was  gathering,  and 
threatening  to  burst  upon  his  devoted  head.  He  met  every  crisis  with  dig 
nity,  and  rose  superior  to  the  occasion.  Trusting  in  the  justice  of  his  cause, 
and  leaning  upon  a  righteous  Providence,  when  he  had  taken  his  position  he 
stood  collected  and  firm,  immovable  as  Mount  Atlas,  — 

4i  Though  storms  and  tempests  thundered  on  its  brow, 
And  oceans  broke  in  billows  at  its  feet." 

No  wonder  that  such  a  man,  with  his  prophetic  ken,  should,  on  hearing  the 
assailing  musketry  from  this  common  on  the  day  we  commemorate,  exclaim, 
"  What  a  glorious  morning  for  America  is  this  /" 

[At  this  point  the  veil  was  removed.] 

SAMUEL  ADAMS  !  The  patriot  and  the  sage !  There  he  stands  in  his 
marble  firmness  and  his  marble  purity. 

And  who  so  fit  to  be  associated  with  him  as  his  proscribed  companion,  the 
generous  young  merchant  of  Boston,  who  laid  his  princely  fortune  upon  the 
altar  of  his  country,  and  was  ready  to  light  the  offering  when  the  public  good 
should  require  it !  He  was  an  ardent  patriot,  and  unfaltering  in  his  devotion 
to  the  cause  of  his  country.  With  a  fortune  and  a  position  in  society  which 
would  have  secured  to  him  any  place  he  could  reasonably  desire,  he  put  his 
fortune  and  his  all  in  jeopardy  by  adhering  to  the  cause  of  the  people.  Hav 
ing  enlisted  under  the  banner  of  freedom,  no  man  was  more  bold  or  perse 
vering  in  his  efforts.  He  presided  fearlessly  over  the  Provincial  Congress 
whose  meetings  the  royal  governor  had  forbidden.  He  was  chairman  of 
the  Committee  of  Safety,  appointed  by  that  Congress,  and  clothed  with  large 
executive  powers,  and  was,  in  fact,  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  colony,  and, 
as  such,  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  military,  and  had  power  to  call  them 
into  the  field  in  any  emergency.  Among  other  important  positions  which  he 
occupied,  he  was  called  to  preside  over  the  Continental  Congress,  —  a  body  of 
men  so  renowned  for  prudence,  sagacity,  and  wise  statesmanship,  as  to  draw 
from  Lord  Chatham  the  highest  eulogium  on  the  floor  of  Parliament. 

But  there  is  one  event  in  his  life  more  interesting  in  itself,  and  more  illus 
trative  of  his  character,  perhaps,  than  any  other.  I  allude  to  the  fact  that  he 
took  his  pen,  and  wrote,  in  a  bold  —  I  had  almost  said  a  defiant  —  hand,  his 
name  upon  a  document  which,  at  the  time,  in  the  estimation  of  thousands, 
was  as  likely  to  prove  his  death-warrant  as  his  passport  to  fame. 

[At  this  point  the  veil  was  removed.] 

There  is  the  figure  of  JoJtn  Hancock,  holding  in  his  hand  that  immortal 
scroll  which  proclaimed  us  an  independent  nation,  bearing  his  name,  and  his 


42  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

alone,  —  the  affixing  of  the  other  names  being  an  afterthought,  induced,  in 
some  degree  at  least,  by  the  prompt  example  of  their  president. 

Here,  fellow-citizens,  you  have  a  view  of  the  two  distinguished  patriots  we 
delight  to  honor,  —  patriots  who  embody  the  zeal,  the  firmness,  the  self-sacri 
ficing  spirit,  of  the  Revolution.  If  they  could  speak,  they  would  kindle  in 
our  breasts  an  ardent  love  of  liberty,  which  would  induce  us  to  follow  their 
example,  and  pledge  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred  honor,  to  sustain  the 
institutions  they  labored  to  establish. 

But,  thank  Heaven,  they  have  spoken,  and  their  words  have  come  down  to 
us,  teeming  with  patriotic  self-devotion.  Adams,  in  the  fulness  of  his  heart, 
in  1774,  uses  this  expressive  language:  "I  would  advise  perseverance  in  our 
struggle  for  liberty,  though  it  were  revealed  from  heaven  that  nine  hundred 
and  ninety-nine  were  to  perish,  and  only  one  in  a  thousand  survive  and  retain 
his  liberty.  One  such  person  must  have  more  virtue  and  enjoy  more  hap 
piness  than  a  thousand  slaves  ;  and  let  him  propagate  his  like,  and  transmit 
to  them  what  he  had  nobly  preserved." 

With  equal  ardor  and  self-devotion  Hancock  declared  himself  willing,  nay, 
desirous,  that  Boston,  where  his  large  property  was  situated,  should  be  at 
tacked,  and  his  property  destroyed  to  promote  the  welfare  of  his  country.  In 
an  official  letter  to  Washington,  in  December,  1775,  informing  him  that  Con 
gress  had  given  him  authority  to  attack  the  British  in  Boston,  if  he  should 
deem  it  expedient,  Hancock  says  emphatically,  "  I  heartily  desire  it,  tliough, 
personally,  I  may  be  the  greatest  sufferer" 

Such  was  the  spirit  of  our  favorite  statesmen,  and  such  the  spirit  we  would 
infuse  into  our  children.  Upon  such  principles  was  our  freedom  founded, 
and  upon  such  alone  can  it  be  perpetuated. 

HANCOCK  and  ADAMS  !  Names  to  be  held  in  everlasting  remembrance ! 
We  bow  with  reverence  in  your  imaged  presence,  and  seem  to  receive  patri 
otic  and  devout  instruction  from  your  marble  lips ! 


The  President.  —  I  have  the  honor  of  now  presenting,  as  the  orator  of  the 
day,  one  who  upon  Revolutionary  themes,  to  a  Lexington  audience,  has  the 
birthright  to  speak  without  personal  introduction.  (Applause.) 

[Mr.  Dana's  oration  is  given  at  the  beginning  of  this  volume.] 


MXS.     HOWRYS    POEM.  43 

POEM 
Bv  JULIA  WARD  HOWE. 

APRIL    19.    1X75. 

ONE  hundred  years  the  world  hath  seen, 
Since,  bristling  on  these  meadows  green, 
The  British  foemen  mocked  our  sires, 
New  armed  beside  their  household  fires. 

The  troops  were  hastening  from  the  town 
To  hold  the  country  for  the  crown ; 
But  through  the  land  the  ready  thrill 
Of  patriot  hearts  ran  swifter  still. 

Our  fathers  met  at  break  of  dawn : 
From  many  a  peaceful  haunt  they  come ; 
From  homely  task  and  rustic  care, 
Marshalled  by  faith,  upheld  by  prayer. 

The  winter's  wheat  was  in  the  ground, 
Waiting  the  April  zephyr's  sound ; 
But  other  growth  these  fields  should  bear 
When  war's  wild  summons  rent  the  air. 

Here  flowed  the  sacrificial  blood, 
Hence  sprang  the  bond  of  brotherhood  ; 
Here  rose,  resolved  for  good  or  ill, 
The  nation's  majesty  of  will. 

O  Thou  who  victor  dost  remain, 
Above  the  slayer  and  the  slain, 
Not  ill  we  deem  that  in  thy  might 
That  day  our  fathers  held  their  right. 

They  knew  not  that  their  ransomed  land 
To  free  the  vassalled  earth  should  stand  ; 
That  thou,  through  all  their  toil  and  pain, 
A  home  of  nations  didst  ordain. 


44  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

Upon  this  field  of  Lexington 
We  hail  the  mighty  conquest  won, 
Invoking  here  thy  mightier  name 
To  keep  our  heritage  from  shame. 

May  peaceful  generations  turn 

To  where  these  ancient  glories  burn  ; 

And  not  a  lesson  of  that  time 

Fade  from  men's  thoughts  through  wrong  and  crime. 

Beside  the  hearth  let  freemen  still 
Keep  their  integrity  of  will, 
And  meet  the  treason  of  the  hour 
With  mind  resolved,  and  steadfast  power. 

But  not  in  arms  be  our  defence  : 
Give  us  the  strength  of  innocence, 
The  will  to  work,  the  heart  to  dare, 
For  truth's  great  battle,  everywhere. 

So  may  ancestral  conquests' live 
In  what  we  have  and  what  we  give, 
And  the  great  boons  we  hold  from  thee 
Turn  to  enrich  humanity  ! 

The  benediction  was  pronounced  by  the  Rev.  Rollin  H.  Neale,  D.D. 

Immediately  after  these  exercises,  the  invited  guests  were  escorted  to  the 
carriages  in  waiting,  and  assigned  their  place  in  the  procession,  which 
marched  over  the  designated  route,  and  was  reviewed  by  the  President  of 
the  United  States. 


AFTERNOON  EXERCISES  IN  THE  DINNER  TENT. 


EXERCISES  IN  THE  DINNER  TENT. 


AT  about  half-past  three,  the  review  of  the  procession  by  President  Grant 
and  his  party  having  been  completed,  the  festival  in  the  dinner-tent  formally 
commenced. 

The  chair  was  taken  by  Mr.  Stetson,  the  President  of  the  Day ;  and  on 
his  right  were  seated  the  President  of  the  United  States ;  Gen.  William  W. 
Belknap,  Secretary  of  War ;  Hon.  George  M.  Robeson,  Secretary  of  the  Navy  ; 
Chief-Justice  Gray;  the  orator  of  the  day;  Gen.  O.  E.  Babcock ;  Hon. 
Charles  Hudson ;  Hon.  Columbus  Delano,  Secretary  of  the  Interior ;  and 
other  gentlemen. 

On  the  left,  at  the  same  table,  sat  Hon.  Hamilton  Fish,  Secretary  of  State  ; 
Rev.  Edward  G.  Porter  ;  Gov.  Chamberlain  of  South  Carolina ;  Postmaster- 
General  Jewell  ;  Senator  Wadleigh  of  New  Hampshire  ;  Vice-President  Wil 
son  ;  Col.  Joseph  A.  Harwood,  Chairman  of  the  Legislative  Committee  on 
the  Centennial ;  Commodore  Nichols  ;  Gen.  Benham ;  and  other  distin 
guished  guests  of  the  town. 

His  Excellency  Gov.  Gaston  soon  after  arrived,  and  took  a  seat  at  the 
same  table. 

Rev.  Edward  G.  Porter  of  Lexington  officiated  as  Chaplain  of  the  Festival. 

When  the  dessert  appeared  upon  the  tables,  the  President  requested  the 
attention  of  the  vast  audience,  and  said,  — 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen,  —  The  lapse  of  a  century  of  national  life,  during 
which  the  pageant  and  insignia  of  royalty  have  been  unknown  to  Americans, 
has  brought  us  together  at  the  spot  where  American  liberty  first  spoke  out 
its  purpose  and  determination.  The  nation  bends  with  reverence  before  the 
plain  gravestone,  with  its  inscription  that  reads  like  one  of  the  tablets  of 
eternity,  of  the  first  Martyrs  of  the  Revolution.  Their  battle,  with  its  calm 
courage,  its  personal  heroism,  its  strange,  bold,  unexpected  stand  of  sixty 


48  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

against  eight  hundred,  was  the  flower  and  consummation  of  principles  that 
were  long  ripening  in  the  clear-sighted,  liberty-loving,  Anglo-Saxon  mind. 
The  founders  of  the  English  Commonwealth ;  the  men  who  advocated  liberty 
more  ardently  than  the  slow  evolution  of  English  methods  would  permit ;  the 
men  who  brought  Charles  to  the  block ;  the  iron-sides  of  Naseby  and  Worces 
ter;  the  Miltons,  Hampdens,  and  Pyms,  —  spoke  and  worked  through  their 
American  representatives  better  and  more  wisely  than  at  home.  Slow,  sure, 
consistent,  the  Americans  proceeded  at  every  step.  They  recognized  com 
pletely  the  supremacy  of  law,  whether  to  crush  king  or  protect  people.  No 
accidental  impulse  moved  their  leaders.  Their  policy  slowly  ripened  through 
years  of  observation.  Samuel  Adams  watched  month  after  month  for  the 
maturity  of  ministerial  error  as  calmly  as  John  Parker  stood  at  his  company's 
head,  and  told  them  to  receive  the  British  fire  first.  They  knew  that  the 
ripeness  of  events  was  needed,  that  the  frenzy  of  the  ministry  was  the  states 
manship  of  fate.  The  sympathies  of  Rockingham,  Burke,  Camden,  and 
others  were  too  precious  to  be  imperilled  by  rashness,  or  alienated  by  mis 
takes.  That  adoration  of  the  equal  administration  of  justice,  which  made 
John  Adams  and  the  younger  Ouincy  volunteer  to  defend  Capt.  Preston  and 
his  soldiers  after  the  Boston  Massacre,  was  no  mere  Quixotism.  That  equal 
justice  was  the  object  and  purpose  of  America  then,  and  their  clear  vision 
was  undimmed  by  passion.  They  did  not  believe  the  law  to  be  the  mere  will 
of  people  or  of  prince,  but  a  rule  of  loftier  and  diviner  origin. 

The  Bay  Colony  was  from  the  beginning  a  school  of  jurisprudence,  where 
Selden  or  Grotius  might  have  learned.  Nowhere  in  the  world's  history  is 
taught  the  science  of  liberty  regulated  by  law,  as  in  the  early  story  of  Massa 
chusetts.  What  great  subjects  they  talked  over  in  town  meetings  then  ! 
Right  here  in  Lexington  the  Rev.  Jonas  Clark,  unsurpassed  as  a  writer  of 
state  papers,  taught  the  solidest  views  of  law ;  and  this  township  instructed 
its  representative  as  to  his  course  concerning  the  obnoxious  acts  of  parlia 
ment,  "so  to  vote,  that,  whether  successful  or  not,  succeeding  generations 
may  know  that  we  understood  our  rights  and  liberties,  and  were  neither 
ashamed  nor  afraid  to  assert  and  maintain  them." 

These  were  the  men  who  answered  the  drum-beat  in  the  early  gray  of  the 
morning  a  hundred  years  ago  to-day.  Not  many  of  them  were  young  men. 
They  were  sober,  considerate  heads  of  families.  The  glory  of  Samuel  Adams 
was  in  Faneuil  Hall,  but  his  refuge  was  ip  Lexington  ;  and  who  could  teach 
republicanism  so  well  as  he  ?  Their  old  minister  had  a  grandson  whose  name 
stands  first  and  largest  on  the  Declaration  of  Independence  ;  and  he  too  was 
a  fugitive  from  power  at  Lexington.  Here  he  often  visited  his  cousin,  Mr. 
Clark.  At  that  house  we  can  imagine  were  discussed  the  highest  themes 
of  government  and  state.  With  such  guidance,  the  men  of  Lexington  knew 
their  duty.  In  earnestness  and  sobriety  they  did  it.  No  excitement  of  mar- 


MR.   STETSON'S  ADDRESS.  49 

tial  pomp  allured  these  quiet  farmers.  No  ladies'  favors,  no  military  exuber 
ance,  were  calling  the  gilded  youth  and  curled  darlings  of  a  nation  to  a  tour 
nament  or  a  Balaklava.  There  were  no  princes  to  act,  no  kingdom  for  a 
stage.  There  was  no  hope  of  success  against  the  overpowering  numbers 
of  the  trained  soldiers  that  were  advancing  up  the  road  ;  and,  if  military  skill 
alone  had  been  consulted,  Capt.  Parker  would  have  withdrawn  his  men.  But 
the  sixty  Lexington  statesmen  loaded  with  ball,  and  stood  still  to  receive 
the  fire  and  bide  the  shock  of  eight  hundred  soldiers.  What  words  of  grave 
encouragement  and  cheer  rang  along  their  ranks !  They  knew  that,  before 
the  fire  of  the  regulars,  perhaps  half  their  number  would  go  down.  Assist 
ance  was  not  to  be  expected ;  but  they  stood  there  for  their  country  and  the 
law.  From  the  pines  of  Meriam's  Hill,  John  Hajicock  and  Samuel  Adams 
were  looking  down  upon  them.  They  could  not  falter  nor  succeed,  but  they 
could  die.  What  were  Fontenoy's  fantastic  and  theatrical  courtesies  to  this  ? 
These  men  knew  the  tremendous  responsibility  of  the  hour,  and  waited  for 
the  enemy  to  fire  first,  with  the  immovable  steadfastness  of  the  Rock'  of  Lib 
erty.  Nor  were  they  inexperienced.  Men  of  this  company  had  fought  the 
long  wars  with  the  Indians,  had  fought  the  French  at  Carillon  and  Crown 
Point.  Capt.  Parker  had  climbed  with  Gen.  Wolfe  to  the  citadel  of  Quebec. 
Robert  Munroe,  with  the  standard  of  England  in  his  grasp,  had  forced  his 
way  over  the  ramparts  of  Louisburg  ;  and  all  the  other  fourteen  Munroes  in 
the  company  were  the  same  stanch,  obstinate  Scotch  warriors  that  he  was. 
Joseph  Simonds  bore  the  old  flag  of  Massachusetts  Bay  as  proudly  against 
his  king  as  it  had  been  borne  to  the  wintry  coasts  of  Cape  Breton.  There 
were  no  stars  and  stripes  then  ;  but  these  men  were  building  better  than 
they  knew.  They  were  loyal  to  their  king,  but  more  loyal  to  justice  and 
the  law ;  and  from  the  first  shot  fired  by  the  grenadiers,  to  the  time  when 
Maximilian  fell  beneath  Mexican  bullets,  it  has  been  clear  that  the  soil  of 
North  America  is  no  place  for  kings. 

Fellow-Citizens,  —  Since  the  close  of  the  service  at  the  pavilion,  our 
crowded  ranks  have  been  largely  recruited  by  other  visitors.  We  are  now 
honored  with  the  presence  of  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  Nation,  whom  I 
have  the  privilege  to  present  to  you. 

[Here  President  Grant  rose,  and  was  received  by  the  immense  throng 
with  tremendous  cheers]. 

And  we  cordially  welcome  you,  Mr.  President,  to  your  place  in  the  day's 
observance.  Beneath  your  feet  is  a  battle-field  smaller  and  less  awful  than 
your  field  of  Vicksburg  or  Petersburg ;  less,  infinitely  less,  in  number 
of  combatants,  and  in  continuance  of  strife,  than  those  tremendous  battle- 
plains  of  the  Wilderness :  but  still  one  of  the  crises  of  history  was  trans 
acted  here.  On  this  consecrated  ground  we  recall  with  swelling  hearts  what 
you  too  have  done  for  our  country.  And  with  the  associations  of  the  place 


50  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

and  hour  we  welcome  you,  not  only  as  the  civil  head  of  a  united  nation, 
but  as  the  military  chief  whose  strong  arm,  matchless  skill,  firmness  that 
moved  on  to  its  purpose  with  the  passionless  force  of  a  glacier,  finished  the 
work  that  the  farmers  of  Middlesex  began  ;  and,  after  ninety  years  of  growth, 
consolidated  and  completed  a  republic  fit  for  the  proud  and  fervid  worship 
of  the  free. 

With  the  concurrence  of  you  all,  I  will  now  propose  the  fiirst  regular  toast 
of  the  dinner,  to  which  music  will  give  the  response,  — 

Wyt,  ^resilient  of  tfje  ®lnitet)  States. 

It  immediately  appeared  that  each  person  present  desired  to  answer  this 
toast,  and  three  hearty  cheers  made  response. 

The  President,  —  As  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts  has  not  yet  arrived, 
I  propose  as  the  second  toast,  — 

2Tfje  State  of  Soutfj  Carolina. 

Massachusetts  will  never  forget  the  prompt  response  of  South  Carolina,  the 
very  night  she  heard  the  war-note  from  Lexington.  Gov.  Chamberlain 
may  veto  any  thing  he  wishes  except  our  earnest  request  for  a  voice  from  the 
Palmetto  to  the  Pine. 

ADDRESS    OF   GOV.    DANIEL    H.    CHAMBERLAIN. 

Fellow-Citizens,  — To  stand  upon  the  spot  where  our  fathers  gave  the  last  test  of 
their  devotion  to  civil  freedom,  is  a  high  and  sacred  privilege.  If  our  hearts  respond 
to  the  highest  influences  which  human  example  and  endeavor  can  afford  ;  if  personal 
gratitude  for  blessings  secured;  if  honor  for  self-forgetting,  single-eyed  fidelity  to 
duty  ;  if  a  sense  of  the  far-reaching,  limitless  consequences  which  are  sometimes 
wrapped  up  in  the  actions  of  a  few  men  ;  if  any  or  all  of  these  considerations  have 
power  to  affect  us,  —  this  place  and  this  day  must  call  up  the  tenderest  and  proudest 
emotions.  Such  emotions  are  too  strong  and  deep  to  be  expressed  in  words.  The 
full  inspiration  of  this  occasion  must  be  felt  in  the  heart.  The  lips  cannot  utter  it. 

I  confess,  therefore,  that  I  am  loath  to  attempt  to  add  to  the  tribute  of  words  which 
this  occasion  has  already  called  forth.  The  outward  scenes  which  were  presented 
here  a  hundred  years  ago  ;  the  sequence  of  causes  and  events  which  led  up  to  that 
supreme  hour  which  witnessed  the  opening  in  blood  of  this  great  chapter  of  American 
history  ;  something,  too,  of  the  physical  and  moral  lineaments  of  the  actors  in  those 
scenes ;  the  vast  results  already  attained,  and  the  boundless  future  still  waiting, — 
these  have  been  presented  before  us  with  all  the  power  which  eloquence  and  poetry  can 
lend.  What  remains  except  that  we  should  fill  our  hearts  with  the  lessons  and  senti 
ments  and  principles  which  this  day  has  taught  us,  and  again  take  our  places  in  the 


ADDRESS  OF  GOV.    CHAMBERLAIN.  51 

ranks  of  that  great  army  which  on  all  days  and  on  all  fields  must  still  carry  forward 
the  unending  warfare  of  freedom  against  oppression,  of  justice  against  wrong,  of 
human  progress  against  all  efforts  to  circumscribe  the  thoughts  or  fetter  the  actions  of 
men  except  by  the  eternal  laws  of  truth  itself? 

The  men  whose  memory  we  seek  to  honor  to-day  were  great  because  they  shrank 
from  no  dangers  or  sacrifices  which  were  demanded  of  them,  in  order  to  vindicate  and 
defend  the  rights  which  they  claimed  by  virtue  of  their  simple  manhood.  That  grand 
and  imperishable  declaration  of  the  rights  which  man  may  claim  as  the  inalienable 
endowment  of  his  Creator,  which  was  made  one  year  later,  was  but  the  echo  of  the 
guns  which  disturbed  the  morning  air  of  Lexington  one  hundred  years  ago.  The 
grandeur  of  that  hour  was  its  absolute  and  unhesitating  response  to  the  call  of  duty. 
Here  stood  our  sires  ;  and  here  they  fell.  They  could  do  no  otherwise.  They  were 
British  subjects.  No  independence  had  yet  been  proclaimed.  No  war  had  yet  been 
declared  ;  and  yet  they  resisted.  The  thought  of  founding  a  new  nation  did  not 
fire  their  hearts ;  and  yet  they  dared  to  lift  their  hands  against  the  power  of  their 
lawful  sovereign.  They  counted  no  cost.  They  knew  not  that  they  were  striking  a 
chord  which  would  vibrate  through  the  land,  and  summon  every  colony  to  their  side. 
They  stood  alone,  alone  with  duty,  face  to  face  with  an  imperious  necessity  which 
their  manhood  laid  upon  them. 

Ah,  fellow-citizens,  is  not  this  their  highest  title  to  immortality  ?  —  not  that  they 
opened  the  vast  drama  of  events  which  followed,  not  that  they  were  founders  of  a  new 
nation,  not  that  the  American  Republic  had  its  birth  in  that  hour ;  but  rather  that  in 
sublime  fidelity  to  duty,  alone,  unsupported,  cheered  by  no  voice  save  the  still  voice 
of  duty  speaking  within  their  hearts,  they  dared  to  be  true  to  their  convictions,  and  to 
strike  a  blow,  however  feeble,  however  hopeless,  for  their  rights  as  men. 

If  they  had  doubted,  they  must  have  despaired.  If  they  had  shrunk  from  the  perils 
and  opportunities  of  that  one  hour,  who  does  not  see  that  the  decisive  moment  would 
have  been  lost  ?  To-day,  seen  in  the  ordinary  historical  perspective,  the  scenes 
which  we  are  now  recalling  are  covered  with  a  halo  which  half  conceals  the  heroism 
then  witnessed  If  we  can  for  a  moment  dispel  this  false  halo,  we  shall  see,  more 
clearly  than  we  are  wont  to  see,  how  simple,  austere,  and  devoted  was  the  sense  of 
duty  which  animated  the  men  who  first  resisted  arbitrary  power  on  this  spot. 

It  is  easy  to  imagine  a  great  and  proud  nation  pouring  forth  its  wealth  and  strength 
to  maintain  its  national  supremacy.  It  is  easy  to  imagine  a  people  stung  to  des 
perate  resistance  by  the  merciless  cruelties  of  the  oppressor.  No  such  scene  was 
presented  here  on  the  igth  of  April,  1775.  No  military  pageant  passing  before  their 
eyes  aroused  in  the  breast  of  those  men  the  feeling  of  martial  enthusiasm.  Dramatic 
splendors,  outward  incitements,  dreams  of  conquest  —  all  were  absent;  and  in  their 
stead  nothing  presented  itself  but  this  simple,  stern  issue  :  Shall  we,  Englishmen, 
descendants  of  those  who  have  gradually  built  up  the  great  monuments  and  barriers 
of  English  liberty  till  that  liberty  has  become  the  birthright  of  all  Englishmen,  —  shall 
we,  a  few  weak,  unprepared,  unorganized  colonists,  assert  in  our  own  persons  that 
great  doctrine  which  lies  at  the  foundation  of  English  liberty,  —  "  Taxation  without 
representation  is  tyranny  "  ?  The  very  simplicity  of  the  issue  discloses  the  grandeur 
of  the  event.  These  men  were  brave  enough  and  true  enough  to  accept  the  call  of 


52  LEXINGTON  CENTENNIAL. 

present  duty,  and  to  welcome  whatever  might  befall  in  an  effort  to  preserve  their 
freedom.  They  had  courage,  and  they  had  what,  as  Carlyle  hns  said,  is  still  better 
than  courage,  "  no  particular  consciousness  of  courage,  but  a  readiness  in  all  sim 
plicity  to  do  and  dare  whatsoever  is  commanded  by  the  inward  voice  of  native 
manhood." 

I  come,  therefore,  first  of  all,  as  a  devout  pilgrim  to  this  shrine  of  freedom.  I  come 
to  refresh  myself  for  coming  duties  by  calling  up  in  vivid  recollection  the  images  of 
that  night  of  alarm,  that  morning  of  blood,  the  undaunted  courage,  the  pure  sim 
plicity,  the  high  and  resolute  daring,  which  will  forever  embalm  the  name  of  Lexing 
ton  among  the  most  priceless  memories  and  inspirations  of  human  history.  But  I 
come  also  in  another  character  and  for  another  purpose.  I  come  to  bring  to  this 
feast  of  patriotism  the  greetings  of  the  descendants  of  a  colony  which,  from  the  hour 
when  Samuel  Adams,  speaking  in  the  name  of  the  town  of  Boston  to  its  representa 
tives,  bade  them,  "  Use  your  endeavors  that  the  weight  of  the  other  North  American 
colonies  may  be  added  to  that  of  this  province,  that  by  united  application  all  may 
happily  obtain  redress,"  till  the  long  struggle  was  crowned  with  final  success,  never 
faltered  in  her  devotion  to  the  cause  on  whose  first  battle-field  we  now  stand. 

On  the  3oth  of  May,  1764,  Virginia,  under  the  impulse  of  Patrick  Henry's  elo 
quence,  declared  that  "  the  people  of  Virginia  are  not  bound  to  yield  obedience  to 
any  laws  designed  to  impose  taxation  upon  them  other  than  the  laws  of  their  own 
general  assembly."  On  the  6th  of  June,  1764,  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts,  on 
the  advice  of  James  Otis,  suggested  the  calling  of  an  American  Congress,  to  be  com 
posed  of  delegates  from  each  of  the  thirteen  colonies.  On  the  25th  of  June,  1764, 
the  suggestion  of  Massachusetts  was  debated  in  the  assembly  of  South  Carolina  by 
the  then  youthful  and  eloquent  John  Rut! edge,  and  adopted  under  the  leadership  of 
the  intrepid  and  sagacious  Christopher  Gadsden. 

Thus  Virginia  sounded  th-j  alarm ;  Massachusetts  proposed  the  union  ;  South 
Carolina  responded  with  the  pledge  of  her  utmost  support. 

"  Be  it  remembered,"  says  Mr.  Bancroft,  "  that  the  blessing  of  union  is  due  to  the 
warm-heartedness  of  South  Carolina.  She  was  alive,  and  felt  at  every  pore.  And 
when  we  count  up  those  who,  above  others,  contributed  to  the  great  result,  we  are  to 
name  the  inspired  '  madman '  James  Otis,  and  the  magnanimous,  unwavering  lover  of 
his  country,  Christopher  Gadsden." 

As  South  Carolina  was  the  first  to  respond  to  the  call  of  Massachusetts  for  a  con 
gress,  so  her  delegates,  Gadsden,  Rutledge,  and  Lynch,  were  the  first  to  arrive  in 
New  York,  in  October,  1764,  to  attend  the  congress.  The  first  question  to  be  deter 
mined  by  that  congress  was,  upon  what  grounds  the  colonists  should  rest  their  resist 
ance  to  the  impending  usurpations  of  parliament.  Shall  they  stand  on  the  royal 
grants,  or  on  grounds  of  original,  unwritten,  Imperscriptible  right  ?  Shall  they  plead 
their  parchment  charters,  or  their  birthright  as  men  and  Englishmen?  Shall  they 
claim  under  the  grant  of  the  king,  or  under  the  grant  of  God  ? 

Who  does  not  perceive  that  this  was  a  vital  question,  on  whose  decision  the  dis 
tinctive  character  of  American  freedom  and  American  self-government  was  to  depend? 
If,  at  this  moment  of  the  first  formulation  of  the  claims  of  the  colonists,  they  had 
pleaded  the  royal  grants  as  the  source  and  ground  of  their  rights,  whence  could  Jef- 


ADDRESS  OF  GOV.    CHAMBERLAIN.  53 

ferson  have  drawn  his  immortal  declaration  of  the  inalienable  rights  of  man  ?  That 
discussion  in  that  first  congress  was  the  harbinger  not  only  of  American  independence, 
but  of  what,  as  I  think,  was  more  significant  still  to  mankind,  the  declaration  of  Ameri 
can  independence. 

Here  again  South  Carolina  spoke  through  Christopher  Gadsden.  "We  must 
stand,"  said  he,  "  upon  the  broad,  common  ground  of  those  natural  rights  that  we  all 
feel  and  know  as  men,  and  as  descendants  of  Englishmen,.  I  wish  the  charters  may 
not  insnare  us  at  last  by  drawing  different  colonies  to  act  differently  in  this  great 
cause.  Whenever  that  is  the  case,  all  will  be  over  with  the  whole.  There  ought  to  be 
no  New-England  man,  no  New-Yorker,  known  on  the  continent ;  but  all  of  us  Ameri 
cans."  These  sentiments,  so  truthful,  so  generous,  so  comprehensive,  were  adopted 
by  the  congress  ;  and  from  them  has  sprung,  it  is  not  too  much  to  say,  the  greatness  of 
the  American  Republic,  —  the  greatness  of  the  principles  on  which  it  rests,  and  the 
greatness  of  its  success  as  a  practical  example  of  government  of  the  people,  by  the 
people,  andy^r  the  people. 

In  all  the  deliberations  of  that  first  congress,  in  framing  the  first  formal  declaration 
of  the  rights  of  the  colonists,  no  influences  were,  perhaps,  more  powerful  than  the 
voices  of  South  Carolina's  delegates,  Gadsden,  Rutledge,  and  Lynch.  It  was  due  to 
the  determined  opposition  of  Rutledge  that  the  right  of  parliament  to  regulate  the 
trade  of  the  colonies  was  denied.  It  was  Gadsden  and  Lynch  who  denied  the  pro 
priety  of  even  approaching  parliament  by  petition.  The  former  declared  with  impas 
sioned  earnestness,  "  We  neither  hold  our  rights  from  the  House  of  Commons  nor  from 
the  Lords."  Animated  by  such  sentiments,  inspired  by  such  leaders,  Massachusetts 
and  South  Carolina,  with  the  other  colonies,  on  the  251)1  of  October,  1764,  bound  them 
selves  to  the  first  formal  and  united  proclamation  of  the  rights  which  they  claimed,  of 
the  grievances  of  which  they  complained,  and  of  the  relief  which  they  demanded. 

These,  fellow-citizens,  were  the  hours  in  which  American  freedom  took  its  form. 
These  were  the  prophetic  voices  announcing  the  future  which  we  now  see.  Listen  to 
them.  Samuel  Adams  :  "  There  are  certain  original,  inherent  rights  belonging  to 
the  people,  which  parliament  itself  cannot  deprive  them  of."  John  Adams  :  "You 
have  rights  antecedent  to  all  earthly  government,  —  rights  that  cannot  be  repealed  or 
restrained  by  human  laws,  rights  derived  from  the  great  Legislator  of  the  universe." 
James  Otis  :  "  Freedom  and  equality !  Death,  with  all  its  tortures,  is  preferable  to 
slavery."  Alexander  Hamilton  :  "  The  sacred  rights  of  mankind  are  written  as  with 
a  sunbeam  in  the  whole  volume  of  human  nature  by  the  hand  of  divinity  itself,  and 
can  never  be  erased  or  obscured  by  mortal  power."  Christopher  Gadsden:  "We 
neither  hold  our  rights  from  the  House  of  Commons  nor  from  the  Lords." 

From  1764  to  1774,  throughout  the  whole  of  the  first  epoch  of  the  American  Revo 
lution,  while  events  were  hastening  forward  toward  the  final  struggle  of  arms,  South 
Carolina  responded  with  earnest  and  unhesitating  fidelity  to  the  call  of  Massachusetts. 
The  aggressions  of  Great  Britain  were  hardly  felt  by  her.  Her  commercial  relations 
were  almost  wholly  with  England,  but  her  proud  and  unconquerable  spirit  drew  her 
to  the  side  of  her  sister  colonies.  "  Don't  pay  for  an  ounce  of  the  damned  tea,"  was 
the  message  of  Christopher  Gadsden  to  the  people  of  Boston  on  the  i4th  of  June, 
1774- 


54  LEXINGTON  CENTENNIAL. 

When  the  Port  Act  fell  with  all  its  rigor  on  Boston,  South  Carolina  was  the  first  to 
testify  her  sympathy  by  a  substantial  contribution  of  rice  for  the  support  of  the  poor 
of  that  town.  And  when  the  call  arose  for  another  congress,  the  planters  of  South 
Carolina  again  responded  with  Gadsden,  Lynch,  John  Rutledge,  Edward  Rutledge, 
and  Middleton  as  her  representatives.  When,  in  October  of  the  same  year,  congress 
resolved,  that,  if  the  grievances  of  the  colonists  were  not  redressed  before  the  Sep 
tember  following,  no  merchandise  should  be  exported  to  Great  Britain,  Christopher 
Gadsden,  against  the  protest  of  his  colleagues,  declared  himself  ready  to  adopt  this 
measure,  though  it  brought  ruin  on  his  State. 

On  the  nth  of  January,  1775,  South  Carolina  again  resolved  to  stand  firmly  by  the 
demands  of  the  colonies,  and,  "  if  blood  be  spilt  in  Massachusetts,  the  sons  of  South 
Carolina  will  rise  in  arms."  Three  months  later  the  blood  of  Massachusetts  was 
spilt  on  this  spot.  How  truly,  to  the  end,  the  sons  of  South  Carolina  kept  that 
resolve,  history  has  recorded  on  her  imperishable  pages.  It  is  a  record  which  the 
sons  of  Massachusetts  and  South  Carolina,  which  every  true  American,  will  recall 
with  patriotic  pride.  Time  forbids  me  to  dwell  on  its  incidents.  It  was  a  spirit 
which  rose  high  above  all  personal  or  local  interests  and  feelings,  a  spirit  which 
bound  together  the  men  of  Boston  and  the  men  of  Charleston,  Massachusetts  and 
South  Carolina,  by  the  great  bond  of  a  common  determination  to  maintain  the  free 
dom  which  they  had  inherited,  and  which  belonged  to  them  as  men. 

I  come,  fellow-citizens,  to  remind  you,  on  this  great  day,  of  this  early,  unbroken 
friendship  between  Massachusetts  and  South  Carolina  throughout  the  whole  Revolu 
tionary  period.  Differing  however  widely  in  lineage,  in  habits,  in  institutions, 
they  were  still  bound  together  by  a  common  love  for  civil  freedom.  Together  they 
watched  the  beginnings  of  tyranny,  together  they  planned  resistance,  together  they 
declared  their  independence  from  Great  Britain,  together,  with  their  lives  and  for 
tunes,  they  maintained  that  declaration  through  the  long  war,  together  they  devised 
the  fabric  of  government  under  which  the  Republic  has  grown  to  its  present  propor 
tions,  together  they  long  labored  to  build  up  the  strength,  the  prosperity,  and  the 
glory  of  America.  Those  precious  memories '  of  the  past  are  secure.  To-day,  at 
least,  we  may  recall  them  At  Lexington  surely  South  Carolina  may  still  claim  a 
place  to  do  honor  to  the  common  cause  of  American  liberty  and  independence. 

I  know  that  I  am  commissioned  here  to-day  to  say  for  South  Carolina,  that  she 
joins  with  equal  gratitude  and  reverence  with  all  her  sisters  of  the  early  days  in  hon 
oring  the  igth  of  April,  1775  ;  that  she  claims  her  share  in  the  glory  of  the  struggle 
begun  at  Lexington  ;  that,  as  of  old  she  bade  Massachusetts  cheer  in  the  struggle,  so 
now  she  unites  with  her  in  these  patriotic  services. 

It  is  not  for  me,  it  is  not  for  any  one,  on  this  occasion,  to  speak  of  later  events  in 
which  these  two  ancient  allies  stood  face  to  face  as  enemies.  Who  that  has  an 
American  heart  does  not  rejoice,  that,  back  of  all  the  recent  bitter  struggle,  there  lies 
the  gracious  heritage  of  those  common  labors  and  dangers  and  sacrifices  in  founding 
this  common  government  ?  Who  that  looks  with  a  just  eye  even  on  the  recent  strug 
gle  does  not  now  see,  on  either  side,  the  same  high  elements  of  character,  the  courage, 
the  devotion  to  duty,  the  moral  lineaments,  of  the  Adamses  and  Hancocks,  the  Gads- 
dens  and  Rutledges,  of  a  hundred  years  ago  ?  Who  that  has  faith  in  the  destinies  of 


RESPONSE   OF  GOV.   G ASTON.  55 

America  does  not  see  in  this  early  friendship  —  ay,  and  even  in  this  later  conflict  — 
the  potency  and  promise  of  that  coming  Union  under  whose  protection  liberty  shall 
forever  walk  hand  in  hand  with  justice  ;  wherein  the  North  and  South,  re-united  in 
spirit  and  aims,  shall  again  respond  to  every  call  of  patriotic  duty  in  the  old  tones  of 
Samuel  Adams  and  Christopher  Gadsden,  of  James  Otis  and  John  Rutledge  ? 

That  spirit  still  lives,  fellow-citizens,  in  South  Carolina.  If  in  later  days  she  has 
erred,  forgive  her,  for  even  then  she  dared  and  suffered  with  a  courage  and  patience 
not  unworthy  in  its  strength  of  the  days  when  Gadsden  and  Rutledge  illustrated  her 
civic  wisdom,  and  Sumter  and  Marion  her  martial  prowess.  "  Magnanimity,"  says 
Mr.  Burke,  "  is  not  seldom  the  truest  wisdom  ;  and  a  great  ^empire  and  little  minds 
go  ill  together." 

Fellow-citizens,  I  offer  you  to-day  the  fraternal,  patriotic  greetings  of  South  Caro 
lina,  —  of  all  her  people.  She  marches  again  to-day  to  the  music  of  that  Union  which 
a  hundred  years  ago  her  wisdom  helped  to  devise  and  her  blood  to  cement.  There, 
in  that  hallowed  Union,  endeared  and  sanctified  by  so  many  blessed  memories,  and 
radiant  with  so  many  proud  hopes  and  pfomises,  there,  there  she  "  must  live,  or  bear 
no  life."  Oh,  welcome  her  anew  to-day  to  the  old  fellowship  !  The  monuments  of 
marble  and  brass  which  we  build  to-day  to  the  memory  of  the  fathers  will  crumble 
and  corrode  ;  but  there  is  one  monument  which  we  may  erect  in  the  hearts  of  all  the 
American  people,  cere perennius,  —  the  monument  of  a  re-united  country,  a  free  and 
just  government,  "  an  indestructible  Union  of  indestructible  States." 

Tlie  President,  —  Such  a  voice  from  South  Carolina  suggests  the  next  toast, 

Oje  Commonfoealtf)  of  fflassadjusEtts. 

And  we  have  now  the  pleasure  of  expecting  a  reply  from  his  Excellency 
Gov.  Gaston. 

The  governor  at  once  responded :  — 

SPEECH    OF   GOVERNOR  GASTON. 

Mr.  President,  —  I  regret  that  I  was  not  here  to  respond  to  this  toast  when  it  was 
first  called.  1  did  my  best  to  get  here,  and  have  been  working  three  hours  before  I 
could  succeed.  You  call  upon  me,  Mr.  President,  to  speak  for  Massachusetts.  On 
this  nineteenth  day  of  April,  Massachusetts  does  not  need  defence,  eulogy,  or  speech. 
Her  history  for  more  than  two  centuries  is  sufficient  speech  for  her  to-day.  May  1  not, 
sir,  still,  in  the  words  of  her  greatest  statesman,  say  of  her,  *  There  she  is  :  behold  her, 
and  judge  for  yourselves.  There  is  her  history  :  the  whole  world  knows  it  by  heart. 
There  is  Boston,  and  Concord,  and  Lexington,  and  Bunker  Hill ;  and  there  they  will 
remain  forever"?  It  has  been  my  privilege,  gentlemen,  as  your  representative,  to 
welcome  to  Massachusetts  soil  that  eminent  soldier,  now  the  chief  magistrate  of 
forty  millions  of  people.  It  has  been  my  privilege  also,  as  your  representative,  to 
welcome  the  distinguished  members  of  the  Cabinet  who  for  a  brief  period  have  left 
the  cares  of  state,  and  the  duties  of  their  high  office,  to  visit  the  scene  of  the  early  con 
flicts  of  the  Revolution.  And  I  welcome  in  your  name  the  governors  of  other  States, 


56  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

the  men  of  New  Hampshire,  of  Connecticut,  of  Vermont ;  and  I  welcome  in  your  name 
the  gallant  and  eloquent  governor  of  South  Carolina,  and  I  give  back  the  sentiment 
of  patriotism  which  he,  in  behalf  of  South  Carolina,  expressed  here  to-day.  Massa 
chusetts  and  South  Carolina,  a  hundred  years  ago,  had  hearts  which  beat  in  unison ; 
and  we  are  sure  that  South  Carolina  and  Massachusetts  to-day  have  a  common  heart 
in  this  great  patriotic  purpose.  Gentlemen,  I  will  not  at  this  late  hour  detain  you  by 
any  lengthy  speech  ;  but  let  me  say,  as  we  are  stepping  upon  the  borders  of  the  second 
century  of  our  existence  as  a  free,  independent,  and  yet  united  country,  let  us  declare 
that  we  will  preserve  and  maintain  that  Repuolic  whose  strong  foundations  were  laid 
one  hundred  years  ago. 

The  President.  —  You  know,  fellow-citizens,  that  to-day  we  celebrate  along 
the  whole  line.  I  have  just  received  from  our  brethren  at  Concord,  by  the 
hands  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  this  sentiment :  — 

Concord  sends  greeting  to  Lexington  on  this  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  glorious 
morning,  by  the  hand  of  the  President  of  the  United  States.  The  Great  Republic, 
whose  thirty-seven  States  span  a  continent  from  ocean  to  ocean,  is  the  harvest  of 
which  the  seed  was  sown  on  the  igth  of  April,  1775.  E.  ROCKWOOD  HOAR. 

This  communication  was  received  with  deafening  applause  and  cheers. 
The  President.  — I  offer  the  next  regular  toast :  — 

lEnrrlanti  ant  America, 

"  Now  true  and  loyal  friends ;  the  two  great  Anglo-Saxon  nations  settle 
their  differences  with  justice,  and  without  the  sword." 

We  had  associated  with  this  sentiment  the  name  of  one  whose  felicity  it 
has  been  to  contribute  so  much  to  this  fortunate  result,  the  eminent  Secre- 
retary  of  State ;  but  Mr.  Fish  has  been  compelled  to  leave  our  table  a  few 
minutes  since,  and  so  we  will  listen  to  a  communication  just  received  from 
England.  At  the  time  of  the  Revolution,  the  noblest  Englishmen,  Chatham, 
Burke,  Camden,  and  others,  spoke  for  us ;  and  I  will  now  request  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Porter  to  read  the  words  of  wisdom  and  cheer  that  come  to  us  from  Mr. 
Gladstone. 

The  name  of  Mr.  Gladstone  was  received  with  great  enthusiasm,  and  Mr. 
Porter  read  his  letter. 

LETTER   FROM   THE   RIGHT    HON.    W.    E.    GLADSTONE. 

LONDON,  March  5,  1875. 

Gentlemen,  —  I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  the  letter  *  in  which  you  convey  to  me 
a  very  warm  and  courteous  invitation  to  attend  the  banquet  which  it  is  proposed  to 

*  See  p.  92. 


MR.    GLADSTONES   LETTER.  57 

hold  at  Lexington  in  commemoration  of  the  attainment  of  independence  by  the  United 
States  of  America. 

The  circumstances  of  the  war  which  yielded  that  result,  the  principles  it  illustrates, 
and  the  remarkable  powers  and  characters  of  the  principal  men  who  took  part,  whether 
as  soldiers  or  civilians,  in  the  struggle,  have  always  invested  it  with  a  peculiar  interest 
in  my  eyes,  quite  independently  of  the  intimate  concern  of  this  country  in  the  events 
themselves. 

On  account  of  these  features,  that  war  and  its  accompaniments  seem  to  me  to 
constitute  one  of  the  most  instructive  chapters  of  modern  history,  and  I  have  repeat 
edly  recommended  them  to  younger  men  as  subjects  of  especial  study. 

With  these  views,  I  need  not  say  how  far  I  am  from  regarding  the  approaching 
celebration  with  indifference.  It  is  entirely  beyond  my  power  to  cross  the  sea,  even 
with  the  present  admirable  communications,  for  the  purpose  of  attendance.  The 
present  time  happens  to  be  for  me,,  even  independently  of  my  attendance  in  Parlia 
ment,  one  of  many  urgent  occupations  which  I  am  not  at  liberty  to  put  aside.  But 
I  earnestly  hope,  and  I  cannot  doubt,  that  the  celebration  will  be  worthy  of  the 
occasion. 

In  a  retrospective  view  of  the  eventful  period,  my  countrymen  can  now  contemplate 
its  incidents  with  impartiality.  I  do  not  think  they  should  severely  blame  their 
ancestors,  whose  struggles  to  maintain  the  unity  of  the  British  empire  is  one  that 
must,  I  think,  after  the  late  great  war  of  the  North  and  South,  be  viewed  in  America 
with  some  sympathy  and  indulgence.  We  can  hardly  be  expected  to  rate  very  highly 
the  motives  of  those  European  powers  who  threw  their  weight  into  the  other  scale, 
and  who  so  sensibly  contributed  towards  accelerating,  if  not,  indeed,  towards  deter 
mining,  the  issue  of  the  war ;  yet,  for  one,  I  can  most  truly  say  that,  whatever  the 
motives  and  however  painful  the  process,  they,  while  seeking  to  do  an  injury,  conferred 
upon  us  a  great  benefit,  by  releasing  us  from  efforts  the  continuation  of  which  would 
have  been  an  unmixed  evil.  As  regards  the  fathers  of  the  American  Constitution 
themselves,  I  believe  we  can  and  do  now  contemplate  their  great  qualities  and 
achievements  with  an  admiration  as  pure  as  that  of  American  citizens  themselves  ;  and 
can  rejoice  no  less  heartily,  that,  in  the  counsels  of  Providence,  they  were  made  the 
instruments  of  a  purpose  most  beneficent  to  the  world. 

The  circumstances  under  which  the  United  States  began  their  national  existence, 
and  their  unexampled  rapidity  of  advance  in  wealth,  population,  enterprise,  and 
power,  have  imposed  on  their  people  an  enormous  responsibility.  They  will  be 
tried,  as  we  shall,  at  the  bar  of  history ;  but  on  a  greater  scale.  They  will  be  com. 
pared  with  the  men  not  only  of  other  countries,  but  of  other  times.  They  cannot 
escape  from  the  liabilities  and  burdens  which  their  greatness  imposes. 

No  one  desires  more  fervently  than  I  do,  that  they  may  be  enabled-  to  realize  the 
highest  hopes  and  anticipations  that  belong  to  their  great  position  in  the  family 
of  man. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  gentlemen, 

Your  obliged  and  faithful  servant, 

W.  E.  GLADSTONE. 
C.  HUDSON,  M.  H.  MERRIAM,  W.   H.  MUNROE,  Esquires. 


58  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

The  Boylston  Club  then  sang  the  following  song,  written  by  Dr.  Henry  G. 
Clark,  a  grandson  of  the  Rev.  Jonas  Clark  of  Lexington :  — 

THE   SIGNAL  GUN. 

'Tis  not  yet  dawn.     All  nature  sleeps  ; 

Freshly  o'er  soft  and  dewy  green, 
The  breath  of  apple-blossoms  sweeps  ; 

And  silent  stars  brood  o'er  the  scene. 
A  SIGNAL  GUN  !      Ye  minute-men, 

Stand  to  your  arms  !    Resounding  drums, 
Re-beat  your  long,  long  roll  again  ! 

THE  BRITON'S  SCARLET  SQUADRON  COMES  ! 

While  in  hot  haste  they  gathered  then, 

The  RED-COATS  marched  with  steady  pace  ; 
But  with  stout  hearts  these  patriot  men 

Waited  to  meet  them,  face  to  face. 
Lay  down  your  arms  !  and  now  disperse  ! 

Swinging  his  sabre  round  his  head,  — 
Disperse,  you  rebels  !  all  disperse  ! 

For  this  it  was  the  major  said. 

Sadly,  but  with  unconquered  will, 

They  yielded  then  that  unfought  field  ; 
Nor  knew  that  they  were  victors  still, 

Or  saw  the  triumph  fate  revealed  : 
But  happy  they,  who,  on  that  morn, 

Fell  by  that  murderous  volley  hurled  ; 
Baptizing  with  their  blood,  new-drawnj 

"  THE    SHOT   THAT    ECHOED    ROUND    THE    WORLD  !  " 

The  President.  —  There  are  some  ancestries  of  which  Americans  may  well 
be  proud.  The  descendants  of  the  Pilgrims  of  "  The  Mayflower,"  of  the  men 
of  Saratoga  and  Yorktown,  of  those  who  dared  the  sentence  of  the  scaffold 
of  high  treason,  and  signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  have  a  pedigree 
never  to  be  forgotten.  They  have  a  right  to  recount  the  early  glories  of  the 
Republic. 

But  our  Orator  of  the  Day  represents,  as  their  lineal  descendant,  William 
Ellery  and  Francis  Dana,  two  of  the  signers  of  the  first  compact  of  American 
Union. 

Do  you  not  think  Mr.  Dana  owes  us  two  speeches  to-day  ?  [Shouts  of 
Yes,  yes  !  ]  No  wonder  that  he  knows  so  well  the  story  that  can  never  grow 
old.  I  am  about  to  propose  a  toast  to  entice  him  from  his  ease  and  comfort 


AIR.    DANA'S    SPEECH.  59 

at   this  table;  and,   if  he  will  speak  to   us  again,  we  will  hold  that  he  has 
earned  the  right  to  silence  till  —  our  next  Centennial. 

©ur  ©ratar  of  tfjc  Sau. 

"The  Jurist,  Constitutional  and  International;  who  has  sought  not  the 
rills,  but  the  fountains,  of  Liberty  and  Law,  and  brought  us  their  purest 
flow." 

Mr.  Dana  arose  and  said,  — 

SPEECH    OF   THE   HON.    RICHARD    H.    DANA,   JUN. 

Mr.  President,  —  I  understood  you  to  say,  sir,  that  you  meant  to  entice  me  from 
my  ease  and  comfort.  Now,  I  should  like  to  know  what  description  of  ease  and 
comfort  will  describe  the  situation  we  have  been  in  the  last  half-hour.  An  official, 
duly  decked  out  with  a  ribbon,  passed  this  way,  and  told  us,  "  The  speeches  are  to  be 
omitted  ;  and  wisely/'  he  added,  looking  hard  at  some  of  us.  So  we  felt  safe  ;  when 
I  saw  all  eyes  turned  on  me,  and  caught  a  few  of  your  last  words.  I  understood  you 
to  say  that  I  owed  one  more  speech  to  the  people  on  this  occasion.  Well,  sir,  I  admit 
the  debt,  but  I  intend  to  go  into  bankruptcy.  I  think,  sir,  I  have  had  quite  my  share 
of  the  opportunities  of  the  day  ;  you  have  given  me  a  full  hour  this  morning,  and  I 
feel  so  impressed  with  a  sense  of  the  work  which  was  cast  upon  me,  and  of  the  great 
imperfectness  with  which  I  was  able  to  meet  it  then,  that  I  am  not  willing  to  take  the 
risk  again.  In  that  oration,  sir,  —  I  can  say  it  safely  because  very  few  here,  perhaps, 
heard  it,  —  in  that  oration  I  said  all  that  I  knew;  I  have  nothing  left,  and  I  hoped  to 
be  permitted  to  occupy  the  position  of  an  auditor.  Now,  you  are  all  so  comfortably 
situated,  you  all  have  had  so  much  to  eat  and  so  much  to  drink,  and  you  have 
all  found  it  so  easy  to  get  here,  and  you  will  all  find  it  so  easy  to  get  back 
again,  that  I  am  very  sure  you  are  in  the  best  possible  spirits,  and  that  all 
you  wish  is  for  the  speaking  to  go  on,  and  to  hear  as  many  speakers  as  you 
possibly  can.  I  understand  that  the  judges  of  the  supreme  court,  who  have 
been  travelling  all  day,  have  got  somewhere  at  last ;  they  have  arrived  at  this 
place  dinnerless,  and  without  any  written  opinion  in  their  pockets  ;  but  the  Chief 
Justice  will  be  called  upon  to  pronounce  his  opinion  of  all  that  has  occurred  to 
him  and  the  rest  of  us  to-day.  I  supposed  that  I  had  done  and  had  said  all  that 
I  had  thought  of  saying,  and  was  about  to  sit  down  ;  but  allow  me  to  say  one 
thing  more  that  is  personal.  I  didn't  hear  what  the  president  of  the  day  said  about 
me.  I  was  engaged  in  agreeable  conversation  with  two  gentlemen  near  me,  and  with 
a  number  of  gentlemen  outside  the  tent,  who  were  making  themselves  heard  above 
the  voice  of  the  president,  and  trying  to  get  in  ;  and  just  at  the  last  moment  I  heard 
something  said  about  certain  rights  and  privileges  of  mine,  running  back  several 
generations,  by  reason  of  ancestors  who  signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and 
committed  acts  of  high  treason  as  magistrates,  of  which  we  are  now  quite  proud  ; 
but  I  don't  know  what  it  was.  I  ask  his  pardon  ;  I  wish  I  had  heard  it.  It  will 
all  be  in  print,  however.  I  don't  mean  to  intimate  that  it  isn't  in  print  now.  You  are 


60  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

all  so  good-natured  I  shall  not  be  able  to  stop  ;  I  must  break  off.  I  wish  to  say  that 
my  excuse  for  being  here  to-day,  and  I  suppose  the  reason  why  the  people  of  Lexing 
ton  made  the  mistake  of  asking  me  to  be  their  orator,  is,  that  Lexington  people  have 
a  way  of  doing  what  there  is  to  be  done  by  themselves.  They  did  that  a  hundred 
years  ago  ;  they  have  been  doing  it  ever  since  ;  and  they  came  to  me,  and  asked  me 
to  come  here  and  be  their  orator.  I  said,  "  Why,  I  am  not  a  Lexington  man  born." 
They  said,  "  Yes,  you  are."  —  "  Well,"  I  said,  "  I  never  heard  that  before."  —  "  Yes  : 
you  were  born  in  Cambridge,  were  you  not?"  —  "Yes,  I  was  born  in  Cambridge."  — 
"Well,  Lexington  was  a  part  of  Cambridge.  Lexington  was  set  off  from  Cambridge 
just  in  time  to  fight  the  battle  for  herself;"  and  they  recognized  me  as  a  son  of  Lex 
ington,  because  Lexington  is  a  daughter  of  Cambridge.  I  don't  know  as  that  is 
correct  genealogy,  but  that  is  the  way  the  committee  represented  it  to  me.  It  is 
enough  to  say  that  I  always  felt  proud  of  being  born  in  Cambridge.  I  believe  it  is 
the  next  best  thing  to  being  born  in  Boston,  which,  they  say,  is  the  immortality  itself. 
Well,  as  I  could  not  be  born  in  Boston,  —  it  was  thought  that  I  might  be  hurt,  that 
it  would  not  be  for  my  spiritual  good  to  be  born  in  Boston,  —  so  I  was  born  as  near 
Boston  as  I  was  permitted  to  be  ;  and  I  feel  very  proud  of  it  :  hereafter  the  great 
pride  of  my  life  will  be,  that  I  am  also  a  native  of  Lexington.  I  meant  to  say  one 
word  more.  Lexington  used  to  give  very  warm  receptions  to  her  enemies.  They 
did  a  hundred  years  ago.  I  suppose  you  thought  you  ought  not  to  treat  your  friends 
in  the  same  way.  We  will  never  complain  of  it,  on  that  score.  Mr.  President,  I  will 
not  take  the  time  that  I  know  so  many  gentlemen  about  me  are  desirous  to  occupy, 
anxious  to  be  unexpectedly  called  .upon  ;  and  so  I  will  return  to  you  my  thanks,  and 
take  my  seat. 

The  President.  —  We  are  all  aware  that  the  American  Constitution  was 
written  and  constructed  by  the  American  Bar  ;  and  it  is  in  their  conservation 
of  its  forms  and  organic  methods,  that  one  of  the  truest  conservatisms  of  our 
progressive  country  consists.  When  the  Bench  and  Bar  are  toasted,  they 
are  never  without  advocates.  I  see  them  now  in  all  directions,  straining  like 
greyhounds  in  the  slip.  So  we  have  no  need  to  solicit  a  response  to  the  next 
toast,  but  we  recognize  the  right  of  the  distinguished  Chief  Justice  of  Massa 
chusetts  to  respond,  — 

anti  i3ar. 


And  I  have  the  pleasure  of  presenting  the  Hon.  Horace  Gray. 


RESPONSE   OF   CHIEF-JUSTICE   GRAY. 

I  suppose,  Mr.  President,  that  we  all  to-day  strive  to  associate  ourselves,  as  far  as 
we  can,  with  the  igth  of  April,  1775.  Although  the  court  which  I  have  the  honor  to 
represent  does  not  go  back  quite  to  that  day,  it  does  very  nearly ;  for  it  was  organ 
ized  by  the  Revolutionary  Government  of  Massachusetts  upon  substantially  its  pres 
ent  basis  in  that  same  year  1775,  and  is  therefore,  I  believe,  the  oldest  court  in  the 


RESPONSE    OF    CHIEF-JUSTICE    GRAY.  6 1 

United  States.  I  do  not  propose  to  weary  you  with  reminiscences  of  the  court ;  but 
it  may  be  fit  to  allude  to  what  some  of  its  members  have  done  towards  maintaining 
a  National  Union. 

The  first  chief  justice  was  John  Adams.  It  was  while  he  held  the  commission  of 
chief  justice  of  Massachusetts,  that  he  played  so  great  a  part  in  the  Continental 
Congress  in  framing  and  carrying  the  Declaration  of  Independence  of  the  United 
States  ;  and  he  was  prevented  only  by  his  paramount  duty  to  the  nation,  and  his 
employments  in  her  immediate  service,  from  returning  to  take  his  seat  upon  the 
bench. 

1  thought  and  I  said,  Mr.  President,  when  first  invited  to  speak  for  the  court  on 
this  occasion,  that  my  junior  associate  might  more  appropriately  respond  in  its  behalf; 
being  a  descendant  of  that  Richard  Devens  who,  as  a  member  and  in  behalf  of  the 
Committee  of  Safety,  on  the  i8th  of  April,  1775,  signed  the  call  for  the  re-assembling 
of  the  Provincial  Congress  ;  and  having  himself,  fifteen  years  ago  on  this  anniversary, 
left  his  practice  at  the  bar  to  act  in  a  military  capacity  in  the  defence  of  the  Con 
stitution  and  Union  of  the  country.  But  when  I  thought  of  exerting  the  authority, 
which  the  chief  justice  is  accustomed  to  exercise,  of  designating  the  judge  who 
should  speak  for  the  court,  he  told  me  that  he  expected  to  be  heard  from  at  Bunker 
Hill  on  the  i7th  of  June  next;  and  I  was  obliged  to  consider  that  a  sufficient  excuse. 

I  can  hardly  hope,  having  just  arrived  at  this  late  hour,  to  give  you  any  thing  of 
interest  concerning  the  igth  of  April,  that  you  have  not  heard  already.  At  the  risk 
of  repetition,  I  venture  to  quote  a  judicial  opinion  upon  the  state  of  affairs  on  the 
morning  of  the  battle  of  Lexington.  It  has  always,  as  you  know,  been  much  dis 
cussed  by  the  historians  and  orators,  whether  the  Americans  or  the  British  fired  first, 
and  how  much  actual  resistance  was  offered  to  the  first  attack  of  the  British  troops. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Constitutional  Society  in  London  on  the  7th  of  June,  1775,  it 
was  proposed  "  that  a  subscription  should  be  immediately  entered  into  by  such  of  the 
members  present  who  might  approve  the  purpose,  for  raising  the  sum  of  one  hundred 
pounds,  to  be  applied  to  the  relief  of  the  widows,  orphans,  and  aged  parents  of  our 
beloved.  American  fellow-subjects,  who,  faithful  to  the  character  of  Englishmen,  pre 
ferring  death  to  slavery,  were  for  that  reason  only  inhumanly  murdered  by  the  king's 
troops  at  or  near  Lexington  and  Concord  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  on  the 
igth  of  last  April  ;"  and,  the  sum  being  immediately  collected,  it  was  thereupon  re 
solved  that  Mr.  John  Home  do  pay  it  to-morrow  into  the  hands  of  certain  bankers  on 
account  of  Dr.  Franklin,  and  that  Dr.  Franklin  be  requested  to  apply  it  to  the  above- 
mentioned  purpose.  The  proposal  and  resolution  having  been  published  in  the  news 
papers  by  Mr.  Home  (better  known  afterwards  as  Home  Tooke)  he  was  indicted  for 
a  seditious  libel,  and  brought  to  trial  before  Lord  Mansfield  on  the  4th  of  July,  1777. 
One  of  the  principal  witnesses  at  the  trial  was  a  British  officer,  who  had  been  wounded 
and  taken  prisoner  by  the  Americans,  and  whose  affidavit  with  others  had  been  taken 
and  forwarded  to  England,  by  order  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  immediately  after  the 
battle.  Lord  Mansfield,  in  his  charge  to  the  jury,  observed  that  upon  the  evidence  it 
was  left  in  doubt  which  party  fired  first,  but  treated  that  as  of  no  great  importance, 
and  said,  "  This  was  not  a  stated  time  of  peace,  when  the  king's  troops,  under  the 
authority  of  the  governor,  go  from  one  part  to  another ;  to  have  bodies  of  men,  in 


62  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

military  array,  armed,  and  signals  fired  !  but  this  they  found.  .  .  .  They  had  erected 
in  effect  their  standards  ;  each  had  their  troops  in  battle  array  ;  they  were  ready  to 
fight." 

I  think  that  is  an  exact  judicial  definition  of  the  state  of  things  here  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  i  Qth  of  April  a  hundred  years  ago,  which  I  could  not  add  to  or  improve. 

The  President.  —  Our  dinner  is  graced  by  the  presence  of  the  Legislature 
of  the  Commonwealth.  It  has  just  arrived  from  Concord  after  a  railroad 
march  not  half  so  rapid  and  scarcely  more  comfortable  than  the  return  march 
from  Concord  of  Col.  Smith's  grenadiers.  We  have  to-day  the  unwonted 
experience  of  meeting  the  Great  and  General  Court  where  it  can  neither  con 
trol  nor  investigate  us.  It  is  not  the  first  time  that  the  conscript  fathers 
have  been  in  this  vicinity.  Besides  Hancock  and  Adams,  we  had  on  the  eve 
of  April  19,  1775,  at  the  Menotomy  Tavern  a  few  miles  down  the  road,  three 
leaders  of  the  Congress  of  the  Province,  —  Elbridge  Gerry,  Col.  Orne,  and 
Henry  Lee.  There  they  were,  sleeping  the  sleep  of  the  just  and  of  the  re 
bellious,  when  the  column  of  that  terrible  old  horse-marine  Major  Pitcairn 
appeared  on  the  East  Cambridge  road.  They  then  remembered  that  they 
had  engagements  in  a  certain  field,  went  there  with  all  convenient  speed,  and 
with  such  elaborate  costume  as  legislators  wear  about  two  o'clock  in  the 
morning.  We  trust  the  honorable  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives 
have  had  a  quieter,  pleasanter,  and  less  dangerous  season  in  their  experiences 
to-day.  We  know  they  would  never  run  from  an  enemy,  dodge  a  difficulty, 
or  evade  a  bore. 

We  think  no  one  can  better  speak  for  the  Government  of  Massachusetts 
than  the  President  of  her  Senate,  the  Hon.  George  B.  Loring,  for  we  have 
heard  him  in  Lexington  before  ;  and  I  invite  his  response  to  the  next  regular 
toast,  — 

©cncral  Court  of  fHassacfjusette. 


Dr.  Loring  had  consented  to  respond  to  this  sentiment  ;  but,  being  obliged 
to  leave  at  an  early  hour,  he  kindly  furnished  the  committee  with  the  fol 
lowing  :  — 

ADDRESS    BY   THE   HON.    GEORGE   B.    LORING. 

Mr.  President  and  Fellow-  Citizens,  —  The  toast  which  has  just  been  announced,  and 
to  which  I  am  called  on  to  respond,  is  one  which  on  a  day  like  this  is  entitled  to  care 
ful  popular  attention,  and  to  the  serious  consideration  of  every  student  of  American 
history.  Not  that  the  legislature  of  this  Commonwealth,  where  representative  bodies 
found  their  early  theatre  of  action,  possesses  any  thing  more  than  a  local  interest  ; 
but  that  its  organization  and  existence  stand  for  a  great  principle  of  government,  a 
principle  without  which  the  characteristics  of  the  American  civil  structure,  for  which 
the  fathers  fought,  would  be  unknown.  The  growth  of  representative  government  in 


DR.    LOR  ING'S   ADDRESS.  63 

this  country  was  almost  spontaneous,  and  was  one  of  the  earliest  acts  of  the  colonists. 
The  colonial  legislatures  sprang  into  existence  without  concert  of  action  on  the  part 
of  the  colonies,  and  without  special  grant,  but,  as  it  were,  from  a  popular  instinct  that 
lay  at  the  foundation  of  that  constitutional  freedom  for  which  the  country  was  settled, 
and  the  war  was  carried  on.  "  A  house  of  burgesses  broke  out  in  Virginia  in  1620," 
says  Hutchinson  ;  and,  "  although  there  was  no  color  for  it  in  the  charter  of  Massa 
chusetts,  a  house  of  representatives  appeared  suddenly  in  1634."  The  colonists  had 
been  taught  to  have  unbounded  faith  in  popular  government ;  and  they  had  moreover 
learned  that  all  great  fundamental  acts  of  such  government  had  always  been  inaugu 
rated  by  the  popular  branch.  The  history  of  all  legislative  bodies  teaches  this  to  us 
as  it  taught  it  to  them.  Freedom  has  always  found  its  protection  in  that  branch  of 
the  government  which  springs  directly  from  the  people,  —  in  the  legislative  branch,  — 
whatever  may  have  been  the  executive,  whether  king,  emperor,  or  president.  So  Lord 
Kenyon  in  1779,  when  Benjamin  Flowers  was  committed  by  the  house  of  lords  on  the 
Bishop  of  Llandaff,  said,  "  These  insinuations  are  thrown  out  against  the  encroachment 
by  the  House  of  Lords  on  the  liberties  of  the  subject ;  but  the  good  subjects  of  this 
country  feel  themselves  protected  in  their  liberties  by  both  houses  of  Parliament." 
So  the  fearless  Pym,  in  the  great  commotions  of  1640,  said,  "The  great  privileges 
belonging  to  this  high  court  of  Parliament  are  not  airy  and  matters  of  pomp,  but  have 
in  them  reality  and  efficacy  :  whereby  this  gpeat  council  of  the  kingdom  is  enabled  to 
perform  all  those  noble  functions  which  belong  to  them  in  respect  to  the  legislative 
power  and  the  conciliary  power." 

And  Magna  Charta,  the  Englishman's  Declaration  of  Independence,  declares 
that  "  The  pretended  power  of  suspending  laws  by  regal  authority  without  consent 
of  Parliament  is  illegal ; "  and  also  that  "  The  freedom  of  speech  and  debates  or 
proceedings  in  Parliament  ought  not  to  be  impeached  or  questioned  in  any  court  or 
place  out  of  Parliament." 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  confers  all  its  great  powers  on  Congress  :  viz., 
"  To  lay  and  collect  taxes,  pay  the  debts,  and  provide  for  the  common  defence  ;  to 
borrow  money;  to  regulate  commerce  ;  to  establish  a  uniform  rule  of  naturalization  ; 
to  coin  money ;  to  establish  post  offices  and  post  roads  ;  to  constitute  tribunals  infe 
rior  to  the  supreme  court  ;  to  declare  war ;  to  raise  and  support  armies  ;  to  provide 
and  maintain  a  navy;  to  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the  laws  of 
the  Union  ;  to  iruke  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying  into 
execution  the  foregoing  powers,  and  all  other  powers  vested  by  the  Constitution  in  the 
government  of  the  United  States  or  any  department  or  office  thereof." 

The  great  principles  of  government,  brought  by  our  fathers  from  England,  and 
applied  here  to  the  business  of  self-government,  taught  them  that  the  legislative 
branch  is  the  great  creative  power  and  the  great  popular  defender.  In  framing  our 
Federal  Constitution  they  bore  it  in  mind.  Even  in  conferring  the  veto  power  upon  the 
executive,  they  provided  that  two-thirds  of  each  branch  of  Congress  should  suffice  to 
overcome  the  veto.  And  they  guarded  with  special  care  that  branch  of  government  with 
which  the  people  were  in  most  immediate  contact,  and  which  was  most  frequently  sub 
jected  to  the  popular  vote.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say,  therefore,  the  government 
which  they  founded  was  purely  representative  in  all  its  most  prominent  characteristics. 


64  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

From  that  day  to  this,  the  American  people  have  always  had  faith  in  legislative 
bodies.  As  I  have  said,  in  the  early  colonial  days  they  cherished  their  popular 
assemblies.  They  were  proud  of  the  mother  country,  and  boasted  of  their  loyalty ; 
but  dearer  than  all  ancestry  or  allegiance  was  their  right  of  representation,  and  they 
insisted  on  the  exercise  of  this  right  until  they  established  it  by  the  sword  of  revolu 
tion.  In  all  the  great  trying  periods  of  our  history,  the  power  of  the  legislature  has 
been  manifested  for  guiding  and  sustaining  the  people.  It  was  in  the  Continental  Con 
gress  that  the  great  civil  names  of  our  early  Republic  won  their  renown,  —  the  Jeffer- 
sons  and  Henrys  and  Lees  and  Adamses  of  that  day.  And  on  that  great  arena 
where  popular  rights  were  discussed,  and  a  rising  nation  was  moulded  into  form,  the 
high  debate  of  the  hour  brought  forth  those  grand  principles  of  government  upon  which 
our  Republic  now  rests.  It  was  Congress  in  the  war,  Congress  during  the  confeder 
ation,  Congress  at  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  which  was  clothed  with  the  largest 
power.  Said  Samuel  Adams,  "  The  first  fundamental  positive  law  of  all  common 
wealths  or  states  is  the  establishing  of  the  legislative  power."  And  when  this  great 
man  of  the  people  was  reminded  by  John  Adams,  that  "  the  nobles  have  been  the  essen 
tial  parties  in  the  preservation  of  liberty,"  that  there  is  a  "  natural  and  actual  aris 
tocracy  among  mankind  ; "  that  they  had  seen  "  four  noble  families  rise  up  in  Boston, 
the  Craftses,  Gores,  Daweses,  and  Austins,"  and  that  "we  must  not  depend  alone 
upon  the  love  of  liberty  in  the  soul  for  itg  preservation,"  —  he  simply  replied,  "  Is  not 
the  whole  sovereignty,  my  friend,  essentially  in  the  people  ?  The  American  legisla 
tures  are  merely  balances.  The  cottager  may  beget  a  wise  son  ;  the  noble,  a  fool." 
And  we  may  congratulate  ourselves  that  the  faith  of  Samuel  Adams  has  thus  far 
been  the  American  doctrine,  and  that  in  peace  and  in  war,  through  all  political  trials 
and  revolutions,  the  popular  power,  the  legislative  function,  has  been  preserved  in  all 
its  purity,  —  "a  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people." 

It  is  the  legislature,  then,  which  is  the  corner-stone  of  our  civil  structure.  The 
dream  of  the  earliest  advocates  of  civil  freedom  in  the  Old  World,  the  great  object  of 
every  popular  protest,  the  special  prerogative  claimed  by  our  ancestors  both  at  home 
and  in  exile,  —  the  right  of  the  people  to  make  their  own  laws  through  their  own  im 
mediate  representatives,  —  has  become  the  object  most  dear  to  every  freeman  ;  and  so 
dear  to  all  nations  struggling  to  be  free,  that  its  semblance  has  become  necessary  for  the 
existence  and  safety  of  even  despotism  itself.  Whenever  it  shall  be  demonstrated  that 
popular  legislation  is  a  failure,  the  hopes  of  popular  government  must  be  abandoned. 
But  is  it  a  failure  ?  Let  the  history  of  our  own  State  and  country  answer.  The 
record  of  the  United  States,  from  its  earliest  provincial  and  colonial  days  down  to 
this  very  hour,  is  but  a  record  of  popular  legislation.  And  what  a  record  it  is  ! 
Always  jealous  for  the  rights  of  the  people,  therlegislative  assemblies  of  this  country 
have  preserved  and  passed  down  from  age  to  age  those  great  principles  upon  which 
our  independence  was  established  and  our  Constitution  erected.  It  is  the  colonial 
legislature,  the  Continental  Congress,  the  popular  assemblies  of  embryo  States,  the 
Congress  of  cur  Union,  which  in  peace  and  war  have  given  our  political  history  its 
true  greatness.  It  is  in  these  bodies  that  American  statesmanship  has  won  most  of 
its  renown,  and  has  accomplished  its  highest  purpose.  So  long  as  the  American 
people  shall  cherish  the  memory  of  Patrick  Henry  and  his  burning  eloquence  for 


DR.   LOR  ING'S   ADDRESS.  65 

freedom  ;  so  long  as  the  history  of  that  old  Congress  where  Adams  and  JefTerson 
and  Franklin  and  Lee  and  Randolph  and  Gerry  sat,  and  guided  a  struggling 
people,  and  where  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  conceived  and  proclaimed  ; 
so  long  as  that  assembly  shall  endure,  where  Pinckney  and  Mason  and  Wirt  and 
Webster  and  Clay  engaged  in  their  masterly  forensic  eloquence,  where  "  the  Old  Man 
Eloquent  "  carried  his  profound  learning,  his  fearless  spirit,  and  the  unconquerable 
sentiment  of  a  freedom-loving  constituency,  where  in  later  days  an  honorable  body 
of  senators  and  representatives  from  our  own  State  have  for  years  pursued  their  high- 
toned  course,  "  unawed  by  influence,  and  unbribed  by  gain,"  —  so  long  will  the  Ameri 
can  legislature  command  the  admiration  of  the  civilized  world,  and  vindicate  itself 
against  all  charges  of  intellectual  weakness  and  moral  degradation.  Does  any  man 
doubt  still  the  power  and  dignity  and  importance  of  our  popular  branch  of  govern 
ment  ?  Let  him  turn  to  the  fearless  and  patriotic  and  comprehensive  career  of  Con 
gress  during  our  civil  war,  faithful  always  to  the  army,  to  the  rising  issues,  and  to  the 
financial  necessities  of  the  times.  Let  him  contemplate  the  resolute  determination  of 
our  State  legislatures  during  all  that  period.  Let  him  review  that  long  and  desperate 
struggle  between  Congress  and  the  executive,  in  which  the  fate  of  constitutional  free 
dom  trembled  in  the  balance,  and  nothing  but  the  devotion  of  the  popular  branch 
secured  to  an  emancipated  people  all  the  rights  of  citizenship. 

The  magnitude  and  importance  of  the  questions  which  continually  arise  in  the 
legislative  assemblies  of  a  free  people  —  questions  affecting  their  moral  and  intellect 
ual  progress,  as  well  as  that  material  prosperity  in  which  every  citizen  must  share  — 
must  of  necessity  have  an  enlarging  and  elevating  influence  upon  the  mind  of  every 
legislator.  His  obligations  to  an  enlightened  constituency,  any  one  of  whom  m.iy  one 
day  wisely  and  discreetly  fill  the  place  occupied  by  himself,  are  constantly  before 
him  ;  and  the  relations  which  exist  between  himself  as  an  American  legislator,  and  them 
as  an  American  constituency,  are  such  as  exist  in  no  other  community  on  earth.  That 
relations  like  these  must  exert  a  good  influence  upon  the  mind  and  heart  of  him  who 
holds  them,  I  cannot  fDr  a  moment  doab'..  American  legislation  is  an  educator  for 
good,  and  not  for  .evil.  Its  influence  is  so  seldom  demoralizing,  that  the  instances 
of  ruin  by  public  life  of  this  description  are  almost  unknow.i.  The  associations  that 
are  established  within  those  legislative  halls  which  are  so  numerous  in  our  land  are 
remembered  by  most  men  in  after  life  with  that  pleasure  and  pride  which  no  dis 
honest  intercourse  could  secure.  To  this  service  low  and  mean  qualities  may  be 
brought,  it  is  true,  as  to  every  other  service  in  life.  But  corruption  seldom  prevails ; 
the  criminals  known  as  such  are  seldom  in  a  majority.  When  Sir  Robert  Walpole 
made  that  statement,  too  thoughtlessly  accepted  by  us,  that  "  every  man  has  his 
price,"  he  was  living  in  an  age  of  intrigues  between  rivals,  who  knew  no  accounta 
bility  except  to  each  other,  and  no  statecraft  except  the  struggles  of  factions  for 
power.  With  us,  however,  it  is  not  the  price  of  a  man,  but  of  a  constituency ;  and  few 
are  they,  who,  even  when  unmindful  of  all  their  moral  obligations,  are  bold  enough  to 
defy  a  community  of  equals,  to  whom  they  are  to  render. an  account  of  their  steward 
ship.  The  history  of  legislation,  then,  in  this  State  and  country,  is  not  the  history  of 
corruption.  And,  when  we  examine  our  statute-books,  we  may  there  find  abundant 
evidence  of  the  wisdom  and  discretion  of  those  who  enact  our  laws.  There  may  be 
9 


66  LEXINGTON  CENTENNIAL. 

unwise  statutes ;  there  may  be  indiscreet  attempts  at  legislation  ;  there  may  be  acts 
based  upon  conflicting  views  of  the  wants  and  necessities  of  society.  But  over  all  we 
shall  generally  find  a  keen  sense  of  national  honor,  a  just  understanding  of  local 
rights  and  interests,  a  wise  and  discriminating  view  of  what  is  required  by  our 
material  wants,  and  everywhere  a  quick  recognition  of  what  is  necessary  for  the  allevi 
ation  of  suffering,  for  the  reformation  of  the  criminal,  and  for  that  moral  and  religious 
and  intellectual  culture  which  lies  at  the  foundation  of  republican  institutions.  I  am 
sure  that  the  student  of  the  political  history  of  our  day,  as  he  contemplates  the  work 
of  humanity  and  reform,  the  management  of  state  affairs  in  war  and  peace,  which 
our  legislators  have  accomplished,  will  read  with  astonishment  that  they  who  left  this 
public  record  for  their  country  obtained  their  position  by  a  system  of  bargain  and 
corruption  revolting  to  every  honorable  mind,  and  were  guided  in  their  public  con 
duct  by  dishonest  and  disreputable  motives.  My  friends,  it  is  not  so.  The  American 
people  are  not  blind  to  true  merit.  Successful  intrigue  is  the  exception,  not  the  rule. 
The  reputation  of  our  public  men,  large  and  small,  who  are  gone,  and  their  condition 
when  they  retired  from  public  life,  are  such  as  to  relieve  them  from  the  imputation. 
And  with  those  who  remain,  and  are  now  in  active  service,  their  elevation  has 
been  mainly  the  result  of  hard  and  honest  and  faithful  performance  of  duty,  which  has 
impressed  itself  upon  the  minds  of  the  community  where  they  are  best  known.  The 
virtues  and  qualities  which  succeed  in  all  other  occupations  —  judgment,  prudence, 
courage,  foresight,  sagacity,  honesty,  industry,  and  that  capacity  which  is  vouchsafed 
to  comprehensive  minds  —  succeed  also  in  public  life.  Believing,  then,  that  Massa 
chusetts  will  in  time  to  come,  as  she  has  done  in  time  past,  win  an  honorable  reputa 
tion  in  her  legislative  halls,  I  submit  to  the  opening  century  her  law-making  record, 
with  confidence  that  its  close  will  find  it  still  wiser  and  stronger  with  the  experience 
brought  by  the  revolving  years. 

The  following  song  by  the   Rev.  William  C.  Gannett   was  next  sung  by 
the  club. 

"LET   IT   BEGIN   HERE." 

[Capt.  Parker's  words  on  Lexington  Green  :     "  Don't  fire  unless  you  are  fired  on  ;  but,  if  they 
want  a  war,  LET  IT  BEGIN  HERE."] 

"  AULD   LANG  SYNE." 

THE  April  thrills  along  the  hills  ; 

The  violets  wake  below, 
But  never  to  the  thrill  they  knew 

A  hundred  years  ago, 
That  day  the  calls  from  pasture-walls 

In  echoing  signals  ran, 
As  swift  replied  the  country-side 

To  what  they  here  began. 

"  Let  it  begin  !  "  a  voice  within 
The  waiting  farmers  spake,  — 


GEN.  BARTLETT'S   SPEECH.  67 

THY  voice  in  whom  the  Aprils  bloom, 

In  whom  the  nations  wake  ! 
Old  lands  had  yearned,  old  dreamers  burned, 

That  radiant  day  to  win  ; 
And  still  it  fled,  until  they  said, 

"  Now  let  it  here  begin  !  " 

Then  at  the  word  the  sleeper  stirred  : 
.  Without  or  king  or  caste, 

Serene  and  strong  to  right  its  wrong, 

THE  PEOPLE  rose  at  last, 
Each  quick  to  feel  the  common  weal, 

The  many,  yet  the  one,  — 
And  heart  pledged  heart  no  more  to  part  : 

Behold  what  here  begun  ! 

TJie  President.  —  I  propose  the  eighth  toast,  with  which  associates  itself 
the  name  of  our  friend  Gen.  Francis  Bartlett,  now  of  Richmond,  Va.,  — 


Xortft  anfc  the  South. 

I  see  Gen.  Bartlett  at  the  next  table,  and  have  the  honor  of  presenting  him 
to  you. 

ADDRESS    OF   GEN.    WILLIAM    FRANCIS    BARTLETT. 

Mr.  President,  —  When  I  opsned  the  letter  from  your  committee  asking  me  to  come 
from  five  hundred  miles  away,  and  say  a  few  words  here  to-day,  it  seemed  impossible. 
But  as  I  read  further  your  desire  that  I  should  speak  on  the  "  relations  of  the  North 
to  the  South,"  and  your  assertion,  that,  as  an  unprejudiced  observer,  what  I  might  say 
would  help  to  restore  fraternal  relations  between  the  two  great  sections  of  our 
country,  although  knowing  how  greatly  you  overrated  the  value  of  any  poor  words 
of  mine,  I  felt,  that,  if  they  could  lend  the  least  aid  to  the  result  you  described,  incli 
nation  and  the  cares  of  business  must  yield  to  the  voice  of  duty  ;  and  I  came.  But, 
sir,  I  am  not  an  "  unprejudiced  observer."  On  the  contrary,  I  have  a  prejudice,  which 
is  shared  by  all  soldiers,  in  favor  of  peace.  And  I  think  I  may  safely  say,  that,  between 
the  soldiers  of  the  two  great  sections  of  our  country,  fraternal  relations  were  established 
long  ago.  I  have  also  a  strong  prejudice  against  any  man  or  men  who  would  divide 
or  destroy  or  retard  the  prosperity  and  progress  of  the  nation  whose  corner-stone  was 
laid  in  the  blood  of  our  fathers  one  hundred  years  ago  to-day.  Moved  by  this  preju 
dice,  fourteen  years  ago,  I  opposed  the  men  who  preferred  disunion  to  death.  True 
to  this  prejudice,  I  to-day  despise  the  men  who  would,  for  the  sake  of  self  or  party, 
stand  in  the  way  of  reconciliation  and  a  united  country.  The  distinguished  soldier 
who  is  your  chief  guest  to-day  never  came  nearer  to  the  hearts  of  the  people  than 
when  he  said,  "Let  us  have  peace."  And,  sir,  the  only  really  belligerent  people  in 
the  country  to-day,  North  and  South,  are  those,  who,  while  the  war  lasted,  followed 


68  LEXINGTON  CENTENNIAL. 

carefully  the  paths  of  peace.  Do  not  believe  that  the  light  and  dirty  froth  which  is 
blown  northward,  and  scattered  over  the  land  (oftentimes  for  malicious  purposes),  rep 
resents  the  true  current  of  public  opinion  at  the  South.  Look  to  their  heroes,  their 
leaders,  —  their  Gordons,  their  Lees,  their  Johnsons,  Lamar,  Ransom,  and  Ripley  ; 
and  tell  me  if  you  find  in  their  utterances  any  thing  but  renewed  loyalty  and  devotion 
to  a  re-united  country.  These  are  the  men,  as  our  great  and  good  Gov.  Andrew  told 
you  at  the  close  of  the  war,  —  these  are  the  men  by  whom  and  through  whom  you  must 
restore  the  South,  instead  of  the  meaner  men  for  whom  power  is  only  a  synonyme  for 
plunder.  As  I  begged  you  last  summer,  I  entreat  you  again  :  do  not  repel  the. return 
ing  love  of  these  men  by  suspicion  or  indifference.  If  you  cannot  in  forgiveness 
"  kill  the  fatted  calf,"  do  not  with  coldness  kill  "  the  prodigal."  When  the  Fifty-fourth 
Massachusetts  Regiment  made  its  gallant  attack  on  Fort  Wagner  in  July,  1863,  it  lost, 
with  hundreds  of  its  brave  men,  its  heroic  leader  and  its  colors.  A  few  weeks  ago, 
that  flag  was  gracefully  returned  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  by  the  officer  who 
took  it  in  action,  with  these  noble  words  :  — 

Under  the  existing  state  of  things,  I  deem  it  decorous,  if  not  a  positive  duty,  to 
promote  the  oblivion  of  animosities  which  led  to,  and  were  engendered  by,  the  war. 
I  prefer  to  look  upon  such  trophies  as  mementoes  of  the  gallant  conduct  of  men  who, 
like  Shaw,  Putnam,  and  other  sons  of  Massachusetts,  sealed  with  their  lives  their 
devotion  to  the  cause  which  they  adopted,  rather  than  as  evidences  of  prowess  on  the 
one  side  or  the  other.  The  custodians  of  such  a  memento  should  be  the  authorities 
of  the  State  served  by  these  gallant  men  ;  and  I  therefore  transmit  the  flag  to  your 
Excellency  for  such  disposition  as  the  authorities  of  Massachusetts  shall  determine. 

Respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

R.  S.  RIPLEY. 

No  one  but  a  soldier  can  know  how  he  would  cling  to  a  trophy  that  he  had  taken 
in  honorable  battle.  No  one  but  a  soldier  knows  what  it  would  cost  to  give  it 
up,  unless  compelled  by  the  loftier  motives  of  chivalrous  patriotism.  And,  when  Gen. 
Ripley  wrote  that  letter,  he  thought  not  of  self,  not  of  South  Carolina,  nor  of  Massa 
chusetts,  but  of  a  restored  and  a  united  country  ;  and  his  heart  embraced  a  continent. 
There  are  tattered  flags  in  that  sacred  hall  in  yonder  Capitol,  around  which  in  the 
shock  of  battle  I  have  seen  dear  friends  and  brave  men  fall  like  autumn  leaves. 
There  are  flags  there  that  I  cannot  look  upon  without  tears  of  pride  and  sorrow.  But 
there  is  no  flag  there  which  has  to-day  for  us  a  deeper  significance,  or  that  bears  within 
its  folds  a  brighter  omen  of  "  Peace  on  earth,  good  will  to  men,"  than  that  battle- 
stained  emblem  so  tenderly  restored  by  a  son  of  South  Carolina,  whom  here,  in  the 
name"  of  the  soldiers  of  Massachusetts,  I  thank  and  greet  as  a  brother.  And  I  am 
proud  that  he  was  an  American  soldier.  As  an  American,  I  am  as  proud  of  the  men 
who  charged  so  bravely  with  Pickett's  division  on  our  lines  at  Gettysburg,  as  I  am  of 
the  men  who  so  bravely  met  and  repulsed  them  there.  Men  cannot  always  choose 
the  right  cause  ;  but  when,  having  chosen  that  which  conscience  dictates,  they  are 
ready  to  die  for  it,  if  they  justify  not  their  cause,  they  at  least  ennoble  themselves. 
And  the  men  who  for  conscience'  sake  fought  against  their  government  at  Gettysburg, 


ADDRESS   OF  GEN.    CHAMBERLAIN.  69 

ought  easily  to  be  forgiven  by  the  sons  of  men  who  for  conscience'  sake  fought 
against  their  government  at  Lexington  and  Bunker  Hill. 

Oh,  sir,  as  Massachusetts  was  first  in  war,  so  let  her  be  first  in  peace,  and  she  shall 
forever  be  first  in  the  hearts  of  her  countrymen.  And  let  us  here  resolve,  that,  true 
to  her  ancient  motto,  while  in  war  "  Ense  petit  platidam"  in  peace  she  demands,  not 
only  for  herself,  but  for  every  inch  of  this  great  country,  "  sub  libertate  quieiem." 

The  President.  —  In  the  early  days  of  the  Colony  of  the  Bay,  a  number  of 
gentlemen  —  Stephen  Winthrop,  Peter  Oliver,  John  Foster,  Saltonstall,  Sedg- 
wick,  Spencer,  and  others —  petitioned  for  a  charter  of  military  incorporation. 
The  cautious  governor,  John  Winthrop,  hesitated ;  lest,  as  he  said,  like  praeto 
rian  bands  or  Templars,  they  might  endanger  the  civic  authority.  Two  hun 
dred  and  forty-eight  years  have  passed  since  then  ;  and,  so  far  from  thwarting 
the  civil  power,  this  association  has  been  the  source  and  origin  of  many  and 
many  a  troop  of  those  soldiers  who  are  of  the  people,  and  for  the  people,  and 
who  fight  that  the  government  of  the  people  may  not  perish. 

I  propose,  — 

5Tf)e  $?caltj)  <™ti  Iprospcritg  of  tlje  Student  anfc  l]0norable  SttillertJ  Company. 
The  toast  was  followed  by  music  from  the  band. 

The  President.  — There  formerly  prevailed  an  idea  that  cultivated  scholars 
were  ill  adapted  to  the  hard  blows  of  life  or  to  a  nation's  defence.  How 
nobly  that  illusion  has  been  recently  dispelled,  you  all  know,  when  the  colleges 
and  universities  sent  forth  their  expectancy  and  rose  to  the  battle-fields.  The 
fair  mother  of  learning  and  science  wishes  it  also  remembered,  that,  in  the 
ancient  days  of  the  Revolution,  John  Adams,  Elbridge  Gerry,  Samuel  Adams, 
Joseph  Warren,  John  Hancock,  James  Otis,  Josiah  Quincy,  were  all  her 
foster-children  too. 

I  give  you,  — 

Oje  Colleges  ant)   {Universities  of  Smeriea. 

And  trust  that  Ex  Gov.  Chamberlain  of  Maine  can  get  sufficiently  near  us  to 
respond. 

The  crowded  ranks  of  the  audience  immediately  made  way  for  Gen.  Cham 
berlain,  who  approached  the  elevated  table,  and  said, — 


SPEECH   OF  GEN.   J.  L.  CHAMBERLAIN' OF   BOWDOIN    COLLEGE. 

Mr.  President,  —  The  men  who  made  this  ground  immortal  were  not  only  martyrs 
of  a  noble  cause  :  they  were  masters  also.     Tradition,  education, -thought,  discussion, 


70  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

experience,  had  made  them  well  acquainted  with  those  principles  of  freedom  which 
formed  the  basis  of  their  constitution  and  their  religion.  They  are  worthy  to  be  our 
teachers  in  constitutional  law  and  civil  rights.  I  know  not  where  or  when  in  the 
world's  history  there  has  been  a  more  able  exposition,  or  a  more  thorough  popular 
understanding,  of  the  great  equation  of  liberty  and  law,  than  among  the  men  who  a 
hundred  years  ago,  on  these  fields,  enshrined  the  undying  story  in  the  emblazonry  of 
their  blood. 

Well  might  the  British  ministry  complain  that  the  people  of  New  England  "  med 
dled  too  much  with  politics," —  an  early  fault  of  theirs,  and  not  yet  very  near  a  cure, 
I  believe.  Well  might  the  royal  governor,  Gen.  Gage,  excuse  his  inability  by  report 
ing  that  all  the  people  in  his  government  were  lawyers,  or  smatterers  in  law,  and  able 
to  repel  or  evade  the  measures  of  the  ministry. 

Doubtless  there  was  reason  for  this,  when  from  every  pulpit  and  press  and  platform 
and  bar  and  town-meeting  floor  were  proclaimed  the  sacred  guaranties  of  the  consti 
tution,  and  the  inalienable  rights  of  man.  I  speak  of  the  pulpit,  for  that  was  a  power  in 
those  days  which  we  scarcely  appreciate.  I  hope  some  one  here  will  respond  for  the 
pulpit  of  the  Revolution.  Read  these  sermons  and  speeches  and  articles  and  letters. 
See  with  what  insight  and  comprehension,  what  force  of  logic,  what  amplitude  of  illus 
tration,  what  height  of  motive,  what  burning  concentration  of  eloquence,  they  enforced 
the  mighty  argument. 

And  where  were  the  fountains  that  supplied  these  perpetual  streams?  Where  but 
in  the  schools  and  colleges,  where  learning  was  dedicated  to  Christ  and  the  Church, 
where  the  law  was  taught  as  based  on  the  liberty  that  makes  truly  free  ? 

This  testimony  is  borne  by  Burke  in  his  speech  on  the  Conciliation  of  the  Colonies  : 
"  Another  circumstance  which  contributes  toward  the  growth  and  effect  of  this  intract 
able  spirit —  I  mean  their  education.  In  no  country  in  the  world  is  the  law  so  general 
a  study.  All  who  read  —  and  most  do  read — obtain  some  smattering  in  that 
science.  This  study  makes  men  acute,  inquisitive,  dexterous,  prompt  in  attack,  ready 
in  defence,  full  of  resources.  In  other  countries  the  people,  more  simple,  judge  of  an 
ill  principle  in  government  only  by  an  actual  grievance  :  here  they  judge  of  the  pres 
sure  of  the  grievance  by  the  badness  of  the  principle." 

Says  President  Stiles  of  Yale,  that  noble  patriot,  "  The  colleges  have  been  of  sin 
gular  advantage  in  the  present  day.  When  Britain  withdrew  all  her  wisdom  from 
America,  this  Revolution  found  above  two  thousand  in  New  England  only,  who  had 
been  educated  in  the  colonies,  intermixed  with  the  people,  and  communicating  knowl 
edge  among  them." 

Observe  the  gifts  and  words  of  Thomas  Hollis,  one  of  the  early  benefactors  of 
Harvard:  ''More  books,"  he  writes  Dr.  Mayhew,  "especially  on  government,  are 
going  for  New  England.  Should  these  go  safe,  no  principal  books  on  that  first subject 
will  be  wanting  in  Harvard  College  from  the  days  of  Moses  to  these  times.  Men  of 
New  England,  use  them  for  yourselves  and  for  others,  and  God  bless  you  !  " 

"  Doubtless,"  says  Dr.  Jenks  in  his  eulogy  on  Bowdoin,  "  doubtless  at  the  favored 
seminary  her  sons  drank  deeply  of  the  writings  of  Milton,  Harrington,  Sydney,  Lud- 
low,  Marvell,  and  Locke.  These  were  their  political  text-books,  and  the  eminent  men 
of  that  time  were 


ADDRESS   OF  GEN.    CHAMBERLAIN.  71 

"  By  ancient  learning  to  the  enlightened  love 
Of  ancient  freedom  warmed." 

Think  what  representatives  the  colleges  had  all  over  the  land,  —  Jefferson  and  Ran 
dolph  for  William  and  Mary,  Madison  for  Princeton,  Jay  and  Hamilton  for  Columbia, 
the  Livingstons  and  all  the  bright  array  of  Yale.  And  how  can  I  recount  the  names 
that  make  up  Harvard's  starry  roll  ?  Cesscrunt  stelligeri,  indeed  ! 

This  power  was  recognized  by  the  oppressors.  Significant  was  the  design  for  the 
business  of  the  day  we  commemorate,  that  the  royal  troops,  when  they  had  destroyed 
the  military  stores  at  Concord,  should  thence  return  to  Cambridge,  and  blot  out  also 
the  college,  —  that  school  of  sedition.  Thanks  to  the  manhood  of  your  fathers,  the 
soldiers  were  glad  to  reach  Charlestown  in  no  mood  to  destroy. 

But  —  strange  exchange  !  —  it  was  under  the  walls  of  Harvard  that  Washington  took 
command  of  the  army  ;  and  in  the  crisis  of  affairs  the  college  was  removed  to  this 
very  Concord,  where  we  may  well  believe  it  was  no  less  potent  an  armory  than  the 
magazines  there  destroyed. 

One  other  point  I  will  briefly  put.  This  liberty  taught  in  the  colleges  was  not 
license  nor  wild  speculation.  It  was  defined,  embodied,  inherited,  inborn.  Think 
not  the  men  whose  memories  make  these  roads  and  fields  breathe  living  history  to 
day  were  reckless  enthusiasts,  —  plotters  of  new  things.  They  struggled  for  rights  not 
to  be  bestowed  by  King  and  Parliament,  but  given  by  God,  and  native  to  the  soul, — 
rights  long  held  dear,  once  crushed  by  feudalism,  restored  at  Runnymede,  instilled 
into  the  mind  and  character  by  generations  of  teaching  and  example,  made  sacred  by 
the  blood  of  noble  fathers  and  the  lips  of  noble  mothers  ;  recognized,  renewed,  con 
firmed  in  every  colonial  charter  upon  the  faith  of  which  this  country  had  been  settled  ; 
a  fundamental  article  in  the  creed  of  church,  and  so  of  state,  the  soul  and  spirit  of 
the  teaching  which  earnest  benefactors  had  determined  should  characterize  these  col 
leges  :  it  was  to  these  that  they  pledged  anew  their  lives  and  fortunes  and  sacred 
honor. 

For  England,  and  not  against  her,  —  had  she  but  eyes  to  see  it,  —  was  this  fight 
fought.  Our  fathers  took  up  arms  to  defend  the  rights  of  Englishmen  against  the  feu 
dalizing  tyranny  of  England's  king.  The  best  minds  so  saw  it.  Mr.  Pitt  declared 
that  the  American  controversy  was  a  great  common  cause,  and  that  America,  if  she 
fell,  would  fall  like  a  strong  man.  She  would  embrace  the  pillars  of  the  state,  and  the 
constitution  would  fall  with  her. 

Said  Lord  Camden,  "  The  rights  of  man  and  the  laws  of  nature  are  with  that 
people." 

So  even  Burgoyne  after  his  surrender  declared  in  Parliament  that  "  the  principle 
of  the  American  war  was  wrong :  it  was  levelled  against  the  constitution  and  general 
rights  of  mankind."  True  was  the  prophecy  of  Ezra  Stiles  :  "if  this  oppression  pro 
ceeds,  there  will  be  a  Runnymede  in  America." 

To  the  colleges  still  is  this  great  trust  committed,  to  keep  ever  fresh  these  histories 
and  doctrines.  These  anniversaries  are  well ;  these  monuments  are  well.  They 
speak  of  gratitude  and  appreciation,  and  they  help  to  educate  the  people.  But  the 
perpetual  light,  the  calm,  corrected  force,  must  be  found  in  the  institutions  of  learn- 


72  LEXINGTON  CENTENNIAL. 

ing.  Fashions  change  and  pass  ;  crises  come  and  go  ;  empires  rise  and  fall  ;  history 
moves  by  revolutions :  but  the  law  written  on  the  heart,  the  cravings  implanted  in  the 
soul,  the  ideals  that  make  life  noble  and  nations  glorious,  —  these  are  the  same  to-day 
as  yesterday,  and  shall  be  forever. 

In  the  truest  sense  the  colleges  should  be  conservative.  Like  constitutions,  they 
should  defend  ancient  rights  against  momentary  majorities.  They  should  speak  to  the 
hasty  and  heedless  the  sober  second  thought,  which  is  the  old  thought. 

We  need  this  service  to-day,  lest  we  lose  the  prestige  which  was  the  boast  of  our 
fathers  and  the  bond  of  their  union, — the  knowledge  of  political  rights  and  duties. 
Well  will  it  be  if  such  anniversaries  as  this  impel  us  to  renew  these  studies,  to  perpet 
uate  the  old  English  reverence  for  law,  to  know  and  feel  the  due  subordination  of  the 
military  to  the  civil,  the  proper  place  of  armies  in  time  of  peace,  the  rights  of  personal 
liberty,  trial  by  jury,  and  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  —  the  once  dear,  because  dear 
bought,  "  liberties  of  Englishmen." 

Be  it  still,  then,  the  office  of  the  colleges  in  these  rushing  and  reckless  times  to 
bring  to  bear  the  tests  of  wisdom  and  experience  ;  to  try  the  spirits  whether  they  are 
of  God  ;  to  train  the  young  that  they  may  be  able  to  scrutinize  with  intelligence  the 
acts  of  legislators  and  governors  ;  to  endear  to  the  hearts  of  the  people,  and  infuse 
into  the  life  of  to-day,  those  noble  doctrines  which  some  would  fain  forget  as  the  Old 
Testament  of  a  superseded  dispensation,  but  which  still  abide,  —  the  eternal  law, 
which  all  true  gospel  comes  not  to  destroy,  but  to  fulfil. 

The  President.  —  I  have  the  pleasure  of  presenting  to  you  Ex-Gov.  Banks, 
who  will  respond  to  the  next  toast,  — 

2H)£  Geati   of  JLrrtmjtort. 

"  The  die  was  cast.  The  blood  of  these  martyrs  was  the  cement  of  the 
union  of  these  States  ;  and  the  peace,  liberty,  and  independence  of  the 
United  States  of  America  was  their  glorious  reward." 

General  Banks  immediately  rose  in  response. 


SPEECH   OF  THE   HON.    N.   P.  BANKS. 

Mr.  President  and  Fellow-Citizens,  —  Nothing  could  be  further  from  my  wish  than 
to  attempt  to  respond  to  a  sentiment  of  such  a  character  as  that  which  has  been  read. 
My  only  excuse  is  the  order  of  the  president,  who  acts  for  the  committee  of 
anangements;  and  I  always  endeavor  to  do  any  duty  which  may  be  required. 
I  shall,  however,  take  the  liberty  of  speaking  as  a  minute-man  :  I  mean  a  minute- 
man  as  the  British  understood  that  phrase  before  they  were  exactly  instructed  what 
its  meaning  was.  They  thought  they  were  men  that  would  stand  only  for  a  minute  ; 
but  they  found  it  represented  men  who  would  stand  for  a  century,  and  for  more,  —  men 
without  ambition,  without  greed,  but  who  did  all  for  their  country.  What  a  spectacle 


-SPEECH  OF  GEN.   BANKS.  73 

they  present  before  the  world  !  how  much  they  have  done  to  change  and  improve  the 
condition  of  all  nations  !  We  cannot  honor  too  highly  the  character  of  the  sacred 
dead  that  have  gone  before  us.  The  president  tells  me  that  beneath  his  feet  is  the 
spot  where  Harrington  received  his  death-wound.  It  is  not  ours  to  grieve :  it 
is  ours  to  glory  in  their  achievements.  Such  men  never  die.  The  block  may  soak 
their  gore  ;  their  limbs  may  be  strung  on  castle  gates  and  city  walls  :  but  still  their 
spirits  walk  abroad.  The  men  who  died  at  Lexington  deserve  well  of  our  country 
in  two  respects  :  in  the  first,  as  men  who  understood  their  rights  and  the  rights  of 
their  fellow-citizens.  It  was  singular  with  them.  In  every  other  part  of  Massachu 
setts,  and,  indeed,  in  every  one  of  the  thirteen  colonies,  there  were  many  men  (indeed, 
there  were  few  exceptions  to  the  rule)  that  understood  perfectly  well  their  rights  as 
subjects  of  Great  Britain,  and  also  their  rights  as  men.  And,  while  they  are  entitled 
to  our  respect  and  to  all  the  honor  that  we  can  pay  them,  they  are  entitled  to  our 
veneration  and  our  worship  in  another  regard,  —  that  they  fought  the  great  battle  for 
American  liberty.  Other  men  might  have  done  it  as  well  elsewhere,  and  at  another 
time  ;  but  it  is  their  honor,  and  it  is  our  good  fortune,  that  they  did  it  here  and  then. 
More  than  this,  sir.  They  have  taught  the  world  the  great  lesson  which  should  never 
be  forgotten.  They  showed  the  world  what  had  never  been  asserted  or  expected  be 
fore, —  that  the  people  had  the  right  to  defend  their  liberties  themselves,  in  their  own 
way,  and  in  such  a  manner  and  at  such  time  as  they  might  choose  ;  that  the  organ 
izations  of  the  people,  and  the  military  power  of  the  state,  were  for  the  people  them 
selves.  From  time  immemorial  it  had  been  held  that  a  man,  born  upon  the  soil  of  a 
country,  remained  the  subject  of  that  country  to  his  death;  and  that  there  was  no 
power  on  the  earth,  except  the  release  of  his  sovereign,  that  could  separate  him  from 
his  allegiance  to  that  country.  The  American  doctrine  was  different.  They  thought 
that  a  man  was  master,  not  only  of  himself,  but  that  he  had  the  right  to  separate 
himself  from  any  government  with  which  he  might  have  been  connected.  Within  the 
last  six  or  eight  years  it  has  been  acknowledged  so  universally  that  it  is  the  law  of 
the  world.  There  is  another  principle  which  sprang  from  the  blood  shed  upon  this 
battle-field,  —  that  the  government  is  for  the  people  alone,  nobody  else.  [In  this 
connection  the  speaker  referred  to  the  action  of  the  Queen  of  England  in  refusing 
to  recognize  the  Government  of  Spain  till  she  was  assured  that  it  was  to  be  a 
government  for  the  people.]  There  is  another  great  change  that  has  come  over 
the  ideas  of  the  world.  The  first  act  of  the  American  people  was  to  separate  the 
Church  and  State.  England  has  accepted  the  American  doctrine  in  that  regard,  as 
applied  to  the  Church  in  Ireland  ;  and  I  have  heard  it  from  magnates  high  in  the 
Church  that  they  mean  to  extend  it  to  the  Church  of  England  as  well.  But  there  is 
still  another  greater  work  to  be  proclaimed.  It  is,  that  the  world  recognizes  now  that 
the  military  power  of  the  nation  shall  be  deposited  in  its  people.  I  want  to  say  one 
word  more.  I  want  to  echo  the  words  which  were  spoken  by  General  Bartlett.  What 
we  desire  is  peace.  War  destroys  liberty.  We  may  be  obliged  to  fight  once  in  a 
while,  but  we  fight  for  the  purpose  of  securing  peace.  If  the  Republic  of  the  United 
States  remains  at  enmity  with  itself,  its  races,  its  sections,  or  its  people,  there  is  no 
hope  for  liberty,  either  here  or  elsewhere.  I  am,  then,  for  peace.  I  will  not  qualify 
it  by  calling  it  honorable  peace,  because  there  can  be  no  peace  that  is  not  honorable. 


74  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

The  club  then  sang  the  following  song  written  for  the  day  by  the  Rev.  W. 
R.  Huntington,  D.  D.— 

LEXINGTON. 

'775—1875. 


MUSIC    BY   C.    P.    MORRISON. 


A  QUEEN  and  crowned,  who  was  a  peasant  girl,  — 

"  This  greatness  wearies  me,"  she  sighs  : 
"  I  will  forget  a  little  while  my  state, 

And,  hiding  from  the  eyes 
That  watch  the  throne,  will  creep 
To  where,  in  trellisecl  sleep, 

The  darling  cottage  of  my  childhood  lies. 

"  I  thirst  to  taste  the  water  of  the  brook, 

To  track  once  more  the  wild-wood  ways  ; 
My  ear  is  hungry  for  the  note  of  birds 

That  sang  in  those  old  days  ; 
And  I  would  breathe  anew 
The  wholesome  airs  that  blew 

Across  the  yellow  tassels  of  the  maize." 

O  queenly  land  !     O  mother  of  our  love  ! 

Look  back  to-day  beyond  the  years, 
Look  back  to  that  sweet  April  of  thy  youth 

Changeful  with  hopes  and  fears  ; 
A  village  maid  once  more, 
Thy  song  of  gladness  pour, 

And  lit  those  clear  blue  eyes  undimmed  by  tears. 

Then,  turning  from  this  home  where  thou  wast  born, 

Light-hearted  take  again  the  weight 
Of  gems  and  thorns  a  century  has  made 

Thy  costly  crown  of  state  : 
Benignant,  gentle,  strong, 
Rule  o'er  us  late  and  long, 

Thou  lowly  one  to  whom  God  said,  "  Be  great." 

TJie  President.  —  I  notice  that  the  New  York  Chamber  of  Commerce 
is  represented  here,  among  other  gentlemen,  by  the  late  President  of  the 
New  England  Society. 


MR.   COW  DIN'S  ADDRESS.  75 

Mr.  Cowdin  has  so  often  and  so  well  spoken  of  New  England  at  the  din 
ners  of  that  society,  —  nodes,  coenceque  dcorum,  —  that  he  cannot  hope  to 
escape  imperative  draft  duty  when  he  comes  within  the  jurisdiction  of  a  Lex 
ington  President. 

I  propose 

Oje  fHrrdjants  of  tfjc  3£cbalutt0n. 

To  which  we  desire  a  response  from  the   Hon.  Elliot  C.  Cowdin  of   New 
York. 

SPEECH    OF   THE   HON.    ELLIOT   C.   COWDIN. 

Mr.  President  and  Fellow-Citizens,  —-T  I  beg  you  to  accept  my  thanks  for  the  invita 
tion  extended  to  me  to  be  present  to-day ;  and  I  only  wish  that  the  duty  of  acknowl 
edging  the  tribute  you  have  just  paid  to  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  the  State  of  New 
York  had  devolved  upon  an  abler  representative.  Delegated  by  that  body  to  bear 
to  you  its  congratulations  on  this  occasion,  my  colleagues  and  myself  are  proud  to 
take  part  in  the  commemoration  of  this  memorable  anniversary. 

The  battle  of  Lexington  infused  into  the  life  of  this  people  the  first  sentiment  of 
American  nationality.  It  was  the  inauguration  of  a  civil  war  between  portions  of  the 
foremost  commercial  nation  of  the  times.  From  such  a  conflict,  trade  shrinks  with 
instinctive  dread.  Yet  from  the  outset  of  the  Revolutionary  struggle,  so  unequal  on 
the  side  of  the  colonies,  the  patriot  cause  was  sustained  by  that  class  which  had  the 
most  to  lose  in  the  event  of  failure. 

"  War,"  as  Milton  says,  "  moves  by  two  mnin  nerves,  iron  and  gold."  The  mer 
chants  of  the  heroic  period  we  are  contemplating  generously  placed  their  money  and 
credit  at  the  disposal  of  the  feeble  government.  In  a  word,  the  history  of  the  mer 
chants  of  the  thirteen  colonies  is  the  financial  history  of  the  war  for  independence. 

What  would  have  become  of  the  suffering  soldiers  of  Washington,  Greene,  Gates, 
Lee,  and  their  compatriots,  in  some  of  the  darkest  periods  of  the  contest,  except  for 
the  marvellous  energy  and  skill  of  that  eminent  merchant  of  Philadelphia,  Robert 
Morris,  in  furnishing  money  to  carry  on  the  struggle,  and  largely,  too,  by  means  of  his 
own  credit  ?  But  for  him,  the  army  would  have  been  disbanded.  His  services  as  a 
financier  were  as  essential  to  the  successful  termination  of  the  war  as  were  those  of 
Washington  in  the  field. 

Shall  I  remind  you  that  both  of  the  illustrious  men  whose  sculptured  features  have 
this  day  been  unveiled  before  us  were  engaged  in  mercantile  pursuits  ?  It  is  a  famil 
iar  fact  that  John  Hancock,  among  hundreds  of  other  wealthy  merchants  that  could 
be  mentioned,  staked  every  thing  on  the  popular  cause.  I  speak  of  him  as  a  mer 
chant  ;  and,  if  any  one  desires  to  know  the  kind  of  merchandise  he  dealt  in,  by  refer 
ring  to  "The  Boston  Evening  Post"  of  Dec.  25,  1764,  he  will  find  the  following 
advertisement :  — 

"To  be  sold  by  John  Hancock,  at  his  store,  No.  4,  at  the  east  end  of  Faneuil 
Hall  Market,  a  general  assortment  of  English  and  India  goods,  also  Newcastle  coals 
and  Irish  butter,  cheap  for  cash." 


76  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

Although  the  bulk  of  his  property  was  in  a  number  of  wooden  houses  in  Boston, 
yet  when,  as  President  of  Congress,  he  transmitted  to  Washington  the  resolution 
relating  to  an  attack  on  Boston,  then  held  by  the  British  troops,  he  said,  "  May  God 
crown  your  attempt  with  success  !  I  most  heartily  wish  it,  though  individually  I  may 
be  the  greatest  sufferer."  The  bombardment,  which  was  happily  averted,  would  have 
been  the  financial  ruin  of  John  Hancock. 

Little  known,  perhaps,  as  a  merchant,  and  far  less  fortunate  than  Hancock  in 
worldly  affairs,  Samuel  Adams  was  equally  patriotic  and  incorruptible.  "  I  am  not 
worth  buying,"  said  he,  when  approached  by  an  emissary  of  the  British  ministry,  who 
attempted  to  bribe  him  to  betray  his  country,  —  "I  am  not  worth  buying  ;  but,  such  as 
I  am,  all  the  treasury  of  England  could  not  pay  for  me."  Well  might  Thomas  Jeffer 
son  pronounce  him  "  a  truly  great  man,  wise  in  counsel,  fertile  in  resources,  immov 
able  in  purpose." 

But,  Mr.  President,  I  am  forgetting  that  you  summoned  me  to  speak  for  the  New- 
York  Chamber  of  Commerce.  That  association  was  instituted  in  the  year  1768  by  a 
voluntary  agreement  of  the  leading  merchants  of  the  city.  It  was  a  period  of  pro 
found  excitement.  The  traders  of  what  was  then  the  colony  of  New  York  had  suf 
fered  under  heavy  burdens. 

The  Navigation  Acts  of  the  British  Parliament  tended  to  destroy  the  commerce  of 
the  colonies.  They  were  not  allowed  to  trade  with  any  foreign  country,  nor  export  to 
England  their  own  merchandise  except  in  British  vessels.  Iron  abounded  in  the 
colonies,  but  not  an  article  could  be  manufactured  by  the  people  :  all  must  be  im 
ported.  Wool  was  abundant ;  but  no  cloth  could  be  manufactured  except  for  private 
use,  and  not  a  pound  of  the  raw  material  could  be  sold  from  town  to  town  :  but  all 
must  be  sent  to  England,  to  be  ultimately  returned  as  manufactured  cloths,  burdened 
with  heavy  duties.  Beaver  was  then  plenty  all  along  the  streams  ;  but  no  hatter  was 
permitted  to  have  more  than  two  apprentices,  and  not  a  hat  could  be  sold  from  one 
colony  to  another.  These  are  but  specimens  of  that  vast  network  of  restrictions 
upon  trade  and  commerce  in  which  Great  Britain  encircled  the  thirteen  colonies, — 
examples  selected  at  random  to  illustrate  that  policy  which  regarded  the  colonists  as 
barbarians  rolling  in  wealth,  the  chief  end  of  whose  existence  was  to  be  heavily  taxed 
for  the  benefit  of  the  aristocracy  at  home. 

The  Parliament  added  humiliation  to  extortion.  Naval  officers,  acting  under  the 
law,  were  insolent  toward  colonial  vessels.  They  compelled  them  to  lower  their  flags 
in  token  of  homage,  fired  on  them  at  the  slightest  provocation,  and  impressed  their 
seamen  whenever  they  chose. 

The  Mutiny  Act,  as  it  was  called,  required  the  inhabitants  of  the  colonies  to  furnish 
quarters,  and,  to  some  extent,  supplies,  for  all  the  soldiers  that  might  be  sent  over 
from  England  to  oppress  them. 

The  passage  of  the  Stamp  Act  in  1765,  though  less  infamous  than  much  previous 
legislation,  aroused  such  indignation  in  all  the  principal  American  colonies  as  clearly 
showed  that  England  must  either  change  her  policy,  or  prepare  to  enforce  it  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet.  The  protracted  and  violent  struggle  over  this  act,  involving  the 
principle  of  taxation  without  representation,  was  the  prologue  to  that  mighty  drama 
whose  opening  scene  was  the  battle  of  Lexington,  and  whose  closing  act  was  the 
evacuation  of  New  York  by  the  rear-guard  of  the  British  army. 


MR.    COWDIN'S  ADDRESS.  77 

Nowhere  were  found  more  strenuous  opponents  of  the  oppressive  legislation  to 
which  I  have  referred  than  in  the  ranks  of  the  merchants  of  New  York. 

Among  the  most  prominent  in  their  opposition  were  those  very  same  merchants  who 
afterward  became  foremost  in  the  foundation  and  organization  of  the  Chamber  of 
Commerce.  Four  out  of  the  five  New  York  delegates  to  the  first  Congress  of  the 
American  colonies — namely,  John  Cruger,  Philip  Livingston,  William  Bayard,  and 
Leonard  Lispenard  —  were  members  of  the  Chamber. 

As  early  as  October,  1764,  these  same  gentlemen,  with  Robert  R.  Livingston  at 
their  head,  constituted  the  corresponding  committee  of  the  New  York  assembly  that 
urged  upon  the  other  provincial  legislatures  the  necessity  of  holding  a  general  Con 
gress  of  the  American  colonies.  That  Congress,  presided  over  by  Timothy  Ruggles 
of  Massachusetts,  was  actually  assembled  at  New  York  on  the  yth  of  October,  1765, 
upon  the  urgent  recommendation  of  the  Massachusetts  Legislature  ;  but  the  original 
movement  which  led  to  it  must  be  credited  to  New  York. 

One  of  the  first  measures  of  this  Congress  was  the  publication  of  a  "  Declaration  of 
the  Rights  and  Grievances  of  the  Colonists  in  America,"  an  address  admirable  in 
tone,  matter,  and  manner,  like  all  the  state  papers  of  the  Revolutionary  era,  asserting 
the  rights  of  all  British  colonists,  an:l  particularly  insisting  on  their  exclusive  power 
of  self-taxation,  and  their  claim  to  a  trial  by  jury.  This  powerful  paper  was  from  the 
pen  of  John  Cruger,  a  merchant  of  New  York,  and  the  first  president  of  the  Chamber 
of  Commerce 

In  those  heroic  days,  there  was  but  one  step  from  theory  to  action.  On  the  3151 
of  October,  1765,  the  merchants  of  New  York  held  a  meeting,  and  resolved,  — 

1.  To  import  no  goods  from  England  until  the  Stamp  Act  be  repealed. 

2.  To  immediately  countermand  all  orders  sent  for  spring  goods. 

3.  To  sell  no  goods  from  Great  Britain  on  commission. 

These  resolutions  were  s'gned  by  more  than  two  hundred  of  the  principal  mer 
chants  of  New  York.  This  determined  movement  was  immediately  followed  by  a 
popular  demonstration.  On  the  very  next  evening,  the  citizens  gathered  in  what  is 
now  the  City  Hall  Park,  and  hung  in  effigy  Lieut. -Gov.  Colden,  the  representative  of 
King  George  III.,  who  was  intrusted  with  the  duty  of  enforcing  the  Stamp  Act. 
Another  party  broke  open  the  doors  of  his  carriage-house,  and,  drawing  out  the  car 
riage,  placed  his  effigy  inside  of  it,  wheeled  it  to  the  Bawling  Green,  built  a  bonfire 
there,  and  burned  to  ashes  the  equipage  and  effigy. 

These  demonstrations  having  convinced  Colden  of  the  impossibility  of  enforcing 
the  obnoxious  act,  the  stamps  he  received  from  England  he  surrendered  to  the  repre 
sentatives  of  the  Common  Council,  John  Cruger  being  then  mayor.  This  episode,  a 
bloodless  popular  victory,  and  one  of  the  most  significant  signs  of  the  times,  deserves 
to  be  placed  on  record  side  by  side  with  the  immortal  Tea-Party  of  Boston. 

The  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  early  in  the  following  year  caused  universal  joy ;  and 
the  popular  feeling  found  expression  in  the  erection,  by  the  act  of  the  Legislature,  of 
a  leaden  equestrian  statue  of  George  III.  on  the  Bowling  Green. 

A  few  years  afterward,  this  statue  was  turned  to  a  purpose  the  founders  had  not 
dreamed  of.  In  the  revulsion  of  feeling  which  followed  the  imposition  of  a  duty 
on  tea,  upon  the  reception  in  New  York  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  the 


78  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

horse  and  rider  were  dragged  from  the  pedestal,  broken  in  pieces,  and  sent  to  Litch- 
field,  the  residence  of  Oliver  Wolcott,  the  patriot  governor  of  Connecticut,  by  whose 
wife  and  daughters  they  were  run  into  thousands  of  bullets,  which  were  distributed 
among  the  patriots  of  the  surrounding  country.  With  these  bullets,  hundreds  of 
British  soldiers  were  shot  during  the  subsequent  invasion  of  Connecticut. 

Boston  has  been  justly  held  in  honor  for  more  than  a  century  for  throwing  certain 
tea  into  the  harbor.  It  is  not  so  well  known  that  New  York  had  her  Tea-Party  also. 
On  the  very  day  of  the  more  famous  transaction  in  Boston,  the  Sons  of  Liberty  held 
a  meeting  in  New  York,  and  resolved  that  henceforth  no  tea  should  be  landed  in  the 
city  under  any  pretext. 

•  Several  vessels  with  tea  on  board  were  subsequently  stopped  off  Sandy  Hook,  and 
compelled  to  return  to  England.  A  vessel  called  "  The  London  "  arrived  in  April,  1774. 
The  master  of  the  ship  assured  the  Vigilance  Committee  that  he  had  no  tea  in  the 
cargo  :  nevertheless,  they  went  on  board,  and  demanded  that  all  tea  should  be  de 
livered  to  them.  The  captain  repeated  his  previous  denial,  but  was  told  in  reply  that 
they  knew  there  was  tea  on  board.  At  length,  he  admitted  he  had  a  little,  but  as 
serted  that  it  was  simply  a  private  venture  of  his  own.  Taking  the  master  and  the 
owner  with  them,  the  committee  withdrew,  and  held  a  consultation  ;  the  crowd  of 
people  meanwhile  anxiously  waiting  for  the  result.  It  was  soon  learned  that  they 
had  declared  the  tea  forfeited  ;  and  then  the  throng  rushed  on  board  the  vessel, 
broke  open  the  hatches,  hoisted  eighteen  chests  of  tea  to  the  deck,  knocked  in  the 
lids,  and  emptied  the  contents  into  the  harbor  amid  the  shouts  of  the  multitude. 

New  York  and  Massachusetts  were  fast  friends  during  the  contest  for  indepen 
dence.  When  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Lexington  reached  New  York,  the  people 
forthwith  responded  to  Massachusetts  by  the  patriotic  resolve  "  to  stand  or  fall  by  the 
liberties  of  the  continent." 

Speaking  for  the  merchants  of  New  York,  I  might  further  remind  you  that  it  was 
a  New  York  merchant,  Alexander  McDougall,  who,  abandoning  his  counting-house, 
took  command  of  a  regiment,  and,  in  the  disastrous  battle  of  Long  Island,  distin 
guished  himself  by  his  valor  in  the  field,  and  masterly  retreat  across  the  East  River, 
in  the  face  of  a  victorious  enemy  of  overwhelming  numbers.  After  having  risen  to 
the  rank  of  major-general,  and  served  throughout  the  war,  winning  universal  confi 
dence  and  respect,  he  returned  to  his  commercial  pursuits,  became  a  leading  member 
of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  and  the  first  president  of  the  Bank  of  New  York. 

Sharing  with  him  in  patriotic  duty  and  devotion  were  such  merchants  as  Elbridge 
Gerry  of  Massachusetts;  William  Whipple  of  New  Hampshire;  George  Clymer  of 
Pennsylvania;  Joseph  Hews  of  North  Carolina  ;  Burton  Guinnett  of  Georgia  ;  Philip 
Livingston  and  Francis  Lewis  of  New  York  ;  and  a  host  of  others  all  over  the  land. 

It  is  pleasant  to  remember  that  the  heart  of  the  English  people  was  with  us  ;  and 
it  was  natural  that  the  assertion  by  the  colonists  of  the  home-born  rights  of  every 
Englishman  should  find  sympathy  in  the  mother  country  ;  and  so  it  was  that  the  ut 
terances  of  Hancock,  Adams,  and  Otis  were  eloquently  echoed  by  such  statesmen  as 
Chatham,  Burke,  and  Barre. 

Chatham  "  rejoiced  that  America  had  resisted  ; "  Burke  saw  the  glory  of  England 
in  the  establishment  of  the  British  colonies  "  on  principles  of  liberty  ;"  and  Barre 


MR.   MALE'S  LETTER.  79 

went  to  a  daring  length  in  the  declaration  of  his  sympathies  with  the  founders  of  this 
Republic. 

Pardon  me,  Mr.  President,  for  detaining  this  distinguished  audience  so  long.  With 
such  a  record  before  me,  bearing  directly  on  the  early  commerce  and  general  business 
of  the  country,  —  a  subject  which,  in  advance,  your  committee  kindly  assigned  me  to 
speak  upon  to-day,  —  how  could  I  say  less  ? 

I  would  not  overestimate  the  services  of  the  merchants  ;  but  posterity  will  never 
forget  their  zeal  and  fidelity,  their  deeds  and  trials  in  the  perilous  struggle  for  per 
sonal  liberty  and  national  independence. 

A  century  has  passed  since  that  chill  April  day  when  these  plains  were  stained 
with  the  first  blood  of  a  conflict  which  ultimately  gave  us  the  Declaration  of  Indepen 
dence  and  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  What  a  memorable  epoch  in  the 
world's  history  have  been  these  one  hundred  years  !  How  grand,  beneficent,  and 
cheering  the  progress  of  affiirs  in  our  own  country  !  I  shall  not  open  this  most  in 
structive  volume  in  the  annals  of  mankind. 

Let  us  indulge  the  fervent  hope,  that,  when  our  children's  children  shall  assemble  to 
celebrate  the  second  centennial  of  the  auspicious  event  which  has  drawn  us  hither, 
they  will  find  this  Republic  occupying  a  foremost  position  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth,  and  containing  within  its  borders  myriads  of  people,  united,  prosperous,  virtu 
ous,  and  free.  Then  indeed  shill  the  patriotic  blood  which  Mowed  at  Lexington  and 
Concord  not  have  been  shed  in  vain. 

The  Delegation  from  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  the  State  of  New  York  to  the  Centen 
nial  Celebration  at  Lexington  consisted  of  the  following  gentlemen ;  namely,  Elliot  C. 
Covvdin,  A.  A.  Low,  S.  B.  Chittenden,  F.  A.  Conkling,  and  Josiah  M.  Fiske. 

The  next  regular  toast  was, — 

Che  JHomcn  of  tljc  iic&olutum. 

And,  as  the  Rev.  Edward  Everett  Hale  appeared  in  the  audience  at  that  time, 
he  was  called  upon  by  the  President. 

Mr.  Hale  responded  in  his  most  genial  and  effective  manner.  Being  obliged, 
however,  to  abbreviate  his  speech  at  the  dinner,  he  has  favored  the  committee 
with  the  following  letter  as  a  substitute  :  — 

ROXBURY,  May  3,  1875. 

MY  DEAR  MR.  PORTER,  —If  I  had  not  thought  we  had  all  heard  speeches  enough 
when  the  President  asked  me,  so  kindly,  to  say  something  about  the  Women  of  the 
Revolution,  I  should  have  said  that  I  was  very  much  indebted  to  one  of  them.  My 
grandmother's  grandfather  had  freighted,  with  his  goods  and  family,  one  of  that  fleet 
of  vessels  which  were  to  accompany  Gen.  Howe  to  Halifax  when  he  evacuated  Boston. 

A  storm  arose  while  the  fleet  was  yet  in  Boston  Harbor ;  and,  to  my  great  satisfac 
tion  to-day,  his  wife  was  so  seasick  that  the  skipper  with  whom  they  had  embarked 


8o  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

ran  for  Newburyport,  at  her  earnest  entreaty  ;  and  there  he  and  she,  and  such  house 
hold  goods  as  could  be  disembarked  in  an  hour's  time,  were  landed.  To  this  great 
fortune,  —  shall  I  call  it  ?  or  was  it  the  sturdy  resolution  of  a  patriot  woman  not  to 
leave  the  home  of  her  fathers?  —  I  owed  the  pleasure  of  being  your  guest  on  Mon 
day,  and  indeed  owe  it  to-day  that  I  am  not  in  Nova  Scotia  ministering  to  our  friends 
the  "  Blue  Noses  "  there,  in  the  fashion  of  such  gospel  as  1  might  there  have  been 
trained  in.  On  mentioning  this  anecdote  to  the  President  of  the  University  on  the 
Centennial  Day,  I  learned,  that  to  a  similar  determination  on  the  part  of  a  gallant 
woman,  an  ancestor  of  his  own,  who  from  the  same  fleet  of  flying  vessels  was  landed 
under  the  same  circumstances  at  Marblehead, —  we  owe  his  services  to  the  common 
wealth  of  letters,  and  his  presence  at  the  celebration  at  Concord.  For  the  unwill 
ingness  of  the  mothers  to  leave  their  country,  I  am  sure  that  the  sons  should  be 
always  grateful. 

It  was  a  Marblehead  girl,  she  that  was  afterwards  Sukey  Carroll,  if  I  have  her 
name  rightly,  who  was  looking  out  of  a  window  in  North  Street,  Salem,  when  Lesley 
led  his  detachment  on  the  first  "excursion"  of  the  spring  of  1775.  A  red-coat 
pointed  his  musket  at  the  girl  to  receive  from  her  a  genuine  Marblehead  reply,  "  Do 
you  think  I  was  born  in  the  woods  to  be  scared  by  you,  you  lobster-back  ?  "  I  fancy 
that  that  speech  of  a  Marblehead  girl  shows  the  spirit  of  the  women  of  the  Revolution, 
though  in  gentler  society  it  spoke  perhaps  in  more  courtly  terms. 

When  the  flank  companies  of  the  Essex  regiment  were  mustering,  in  the  square 
at  Panvers,  on  the  morning  of  the  igth  of  April,  preparing  for  that  rapid  rush 
across  Essex  County,  which  brought  them  to  Menotomy  in  time  to  yield  up  the 
largest  sacrifice  next  to  Lexington  which  any  town  offered  up  that  day,  a  Quaker  lady, 
the  wife  of  Friend  Southwick,  appeared  in  her  peaceful  garb  among  the  minute-men. 
"  I  do  not  believe  in  fighting,"  said  she,  "  and  I  know  nothing  of  war ;  but,  if  thee 
knows  any  one  who  is  hungry,  there  are  twelve  loaves  of  bread  in  my  kitchen,  which 
I  have  just  taken  from  the  oven,  and  I  should  not  miss  them  if  I  never  saw  them 
again."  I  fancy  that  that  story  shows  a  good  deal  of  the  spirit  of  those  even  who 
were  most  pacific. 

I  have  heard  it  said  that  after  one  of  the  minute-men  had  been  shot,  and  was  carried 
back,  dead,  to  his  home,  his  wife,  in  the  agony  and  horror  of  the  day,  gave  birth  to  the 
infant  who  never  saw  a  father's  smile  ;  and  when,  in  turn,  Smith's  flying  column  drove 
every  Lexington  woman  from  her  home,  she  and  her  baby  had  to  take  the  shelter  of 
the  woods  till  the  murderers  of  her  husband  had  gone  by.  I  am  afraid  that  that 
story  tells  the  sufferings  of  the  women  of  the  Revolution.  In  truth,  I  suppose  that 
those  seven  years  made  no  exception  to  the  eternal  current  of  women's  life.  I  sup 
pose  they  felt  as  much  as  men,  resolved  as  rhighly  as  men,  and  that  they  suffered 
more. 

They  had  their  triumphs  too.  On  that  great  day  of  the  i7th  of  June,  which  we 
are  next  to  celebrate,  there  was  a  pause  in  the  English  movement,  —  a  pause 
which  lasted  more  than  two  hours,  which  our  fathers  did  not  understand.  After 
Howe  had  landed  for  the  attack  at  Moulton's  Point  in  Charlestown,  he  remained 
two  hours  and  a  half  before  moving  on  Prescott's  works,  —  precious  time  which  our 
fathers  occupied  well.  We  know  now,  what  they  did  not  know,  —  that  Gen.  Howe 


MR.    MALE'S    LETTER.  8 1 

waited  because  his  six-pound  field-pieces  were  provided  with  twelve-pound  balls ; 
and  he  was  obliged  to  send  back  to  Boston  for  better-fitting  ammunition.  The 
message  was  answered  by  a  fresh  supply  of  balls  too  large.  And,  even  at  that  fatal 
moment,  a  second  message  was  sent  back  to  Boston  for  six-pound  balls.  A  third 
time  balls  were  sent  too  large  for  the  guns  ;  and  Howe  was  obliged  to  advance  with 
out  the  use  of  his  field-pieces.  You  know  how  fatal  was  that  advance  to  a  thousand 
brave  men. 

It  is  matter  of  history,  that,  when  Howe  asked  where  the  ordnance  officer  was  who 
should  have  answered  his  requisitions,  the  answer  given  him  was,  "  He  is  making  love 
to  the  schoolmaster's  daughter." 

"  Oh,  too  convincing,  dangerously  dear  !  " 

We  can  guess  what  she  was,  because  we  have  seen  the  schoolmaster's  descendants 
in  this  generation :  I  am  not  sure  but  they  danced  at  your  ball  on  Monday,  or 
feasted  at  your  dinner.  And  what  a  memory  for  a  patriot  woman  to  take  with  her 
through  an  honored  life  to  her  grave  :  that  with  the  beauty  of  another  Judith  —  with 
her  wit,  and  without  her  cruelty  —  she  silenced,  on  that  fatal  day,  the  fire  of  King 
George's  artillery  ! 

The  truth  is,  that  the  history  of  New  England  from  the  beginning  is  a  history 
written  in  between  the  lines  which  tell  of  the  trials  of  women,  and  of  their  fortitude. 
If  .you  will  think  of  it,  every  English  effort  to  colonize  America  was  a  failure  in  the 
seventeenth  century  till  you  come  to  Plymouth.  The  trading-post  at  Jamestown  did 
not  deserve  the  name  of  a  colony  more  than  that  at  Manhattan. 

It  was  only  when  Brewster  and  Carver  and  Bradford  and  the  rest  of  the  Pilgrims 
invented  what  I  will  call  the  New  England  system  of  colonization,  which  is  now  the 
American  system  of  colonization,  that  any  colony  succeeded.  And  that  system  is 
this  :  that  the  women  go  with  their  husbands,  and  share  with  them  every  hardship  and 
all  the  toil.  So  was  it  that  there  were  homes  at  Plymouth  even  before  there  were 
graves  there.  So  was  it,  that,  when  this  other  crisis  came,  Abigail  Adams  led  the  little 
John  Quincy  Adams  by  the  hand  to  the  hill  in  Braintree,  whence  he  could  see  the 
smoke  and  hear  the  thunder  from  the  other  hill  across  the  bay.^  And  on  that  day 
that  child  drank  in  the  hatred  of  tyrants  which  rang  out  in  the  philippics  of  the  "  Old 
Man  Eloquent  "  as  you  and  I  have  heard  him  in  these  later  days.  It  was  that  spirit 
which  sent  Dorothy  Quincy  into  the  woods  on  the  i9th  of  April,  with  her  be 
trothed,  glad  indeed,  they  say,  to  make  a  cold  collation  of  salt  pork  before  the  day 
was  over,  in  place  of  the  sumptuous  dinner  from  which  the  red-coats  drove  them 
away.  It  is  enough,  I  believe,  to  say  of  the  New  England  women  of  the  Revolution, 
that  they  shared  to  the  last  drop  in  their  husbands'  trials  and  martyrdoms.  And  cer 
tainly  it  would  be  impossible  to  say  more. 


[For  want  of  time  the  following  addresses  were  necessarily  omitted  at  the 
dinner.     As,  however,  they  form  a  part  of  the  productions  of  the  day,  they 
properly  entitled  to  a  place  in  this  volume.] 


are 


82  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

The  President.  —  A  prosperous  agriculture  is  essential  to  the  highest  wel 
fare  of  a  vigorous,  wealthy,  and  independent  people.  We  offer,  therefore,  — 

anje  agricultural  Interests  at  ¥efo  England. 

Beatus  ille  qui  procul  negotiis 
Paterna  rura  bobus  exercet  suis. 

And  I  will  call   upon  President    Clark   of    the    Massachusetts    Agricultural 
College  to  respond. 

ADDRESS    OF   COL.    W.    S.    CLARK. 

Mr.  President,  —  I  thank  you  for  the  honor  you  show  to  the  cause  of  scientific, 
progressive  agriculture,  in  calling  upon  one  whose  principal  qualification  for  speaking 
at  this  time  is  found  in  the  accident  of  his  official  position.  It  is  a  remarkable  coin 
cidence,  that  this  centennial  celebration  of  the  beginning  of  the  war  for  American 
independence  occurs  on  the  centennial  anniversary  of  the  birth  of  an  idea,  which, 
after  many  years  of  neglect  and  struggle,  has  won  for  itself  recognition  and  substantial 
honor  among  all  enlightened  nations.  In  1775,  we  are  to^>  a  proposition  was  made 
to  the  French  Government  for  the  establishment  of  a  national  school  of  agriculture. 
In  the  very  dawn  of  the  present  system  of  chemistry,  it  was  foreseen  that  science 
could  render  efficient  aid  to  the  great  producing  industry  of  the  world  ;  and  in  our 
day  it  has  come  to  pass  that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  has  endowed  an  agri 
cultural  college  in  every  State  of  the  Union. 

As,  in  1775,  the  farmers  of  Lexington  were  the  first  to  rally  under  arms  for  resist 
ance  to  British  tyranny,  so,  in  later  times,  they  were  the  pioneers  in  the  war  against 
ignorance  in  agriculture.  When  the  offer  was  made  by  the  State  Legislature  to  all 
the  towns  of  the  Commonwealth,  that  such  as  would  give  seventy-five  thousand 
dollars  to  the  Massachusetts  Agricultural  College  might  compete  for  its  location 
within  their  limits,  it  should  always  be  remembered,  to  the  honor  of  Lexington,  that 
her  citizens  were  foremost  in  the  effort  to  secure  the  institution. 

But  why,  sir,  do  intelligent  statesmen  so  generally  favor  the  establishment  and 
maintenance  of  departments  and  boards  of  agriculture,  and  agricultural  schools  and 
societies?  Because,  in  the  language  of  Gen.  Washington,  "Agriculture  is  the  most 
useful,  the  most  honorable,  and  the  noblest  occupation  of  man."  But  it  were  super 
fluous  to  speak  of  the  benefits  of  agriculture.  Who  does  not  know  that  its  general 
failure  would  not  only  bring  upon  us  famine,  with  all  its  attendant  horrors,  but  actually 
stop  the  business  of  the  world  ?  What  would  be  the  value  of  our  railroads  and  ships, 
of  our  factories  and  warehouses,  without  the  staple  products  of  the  soil,  —  without  the 
beef  and  the  pork,  the  wheat,  the  corn,  and  the  cotton,  which  we  have  in  such 
abundance  ? 

But  some  one,  doubtless,  already  has  it  in  his  heart  to  say,  "  These  are  not  raised 
in  New  England :  they  come  from  the  boundless  plains  beyond  the  Mississippi,  from 
the  fertile  prairies  of  the  West,  and  the  sunny  fields  of  the  South-land."  True,  sir; 


COL.    CLARK'S   SPEECH.  83 

and  yet  we  should  not  despise  New  England  farming  ;  but  we  may  boldly  claim  that 
there  is  no  section  of  our  broad  country,  or  of  any  other,  which  offers  greater  induce 
ments  to  a  skilful,  economical,  and  industrious  farmer,  than  do  many  portions  of 
these  comparatively  old  and  agriculturally  exhausted  States.  Will  a  wise  man 
exchange  the  diversified  and  beautiful  scenery  of  New  England,  with  its  healthful  and 
invigorating  climate,  for  the  monotonous  and  malarious  regions  where  crops  are  said 
to  grow  almost  without  cultivation?  Will  he  forsake  the  schools  and  churches,  and 
the  social  privileges  of  wealthy  and  prosperous  communities,  for  the  semi-barbarous 
condition  of  newly  and  sparsely  settled  districts?  Will  he  leave  the  best  markets  and 
facilities  for  transportation  and  traffic  which  the  world  affords,  for  localities  where 
cattle  are  worth  but  two  dollars  a  head,  and  corn  but  ten  cents  per  bushel?  We 
think  not,  sir. 

Again  :  some  croaker  says,  "  Farming  does  not  pay."  But  there  are  many  com 
petent  witnesses  to  testify  that,  considering  the  amount  of  cash  capital,  of  intelligent 
skill,  of  business  capacity,  and  of  vital  energy  employed  in  it,  agriculture  gives  a  larger 
return  than  almost  any  other  business  in  New  England. 

Did  time  allow,  it  would  be  interesting  to  consider  the  character  of  this  industry 
a  century  ago,  when  nearly  all  the  people  in  this  vicinity  were  farmers,  and  when  yarn 
was  spun,  and  cloth  was  woven,  and  shoes  were  made  by  hand,  in  every  house ;  when 
agricultural  implements  were  few  and  rude,  and  when  cultivated  vegetables,  fruits, 
and  flowers  were  almost  unknown.  How  strangely  different  is  the  condition  of  affairs 
to-day !  Within  a  radius  of  fifty  miles  there  are  more  persons  engaged  in  making 
and  selling  boots  and  shoes  than  are  employed  in  the  cultivation  of  the  soil.  There 
are  more  operatives  at  work  in  the  minufacture  of  cloth  than  individuals  laboring  as 
farmers  or  gardeners.  There  are  prob.ibly  ten  times  as  many  men  occupied  in  other 
mechanic  arts,  in  mercantile  business,  in  land  and  water  transportation,  and  in  the 
learned  professions,  as  in  agriculture.  Taking  a  survey  of  the  entire  State  of  Massa 
chusetts,  we  find  only  one-twentieth  of  the  population  devoted  to  rural  pursuits ;  and 
of  these  a  large  proportion  are  of  a  different  nationality  from  the  yeomanry  who  struck 
the  first  blow  for  American  liberty. 

It  is  often  said,  Mr.  President,  that  the  Yankee  race  is  passing  away,  and  that,  in 
our  contempt  for  the  slow  but  sure  g.iins  of  agriculture,  in  our  eagerness  for  wealth, 
our  fondness  for  display,  and  our  love  of  excitement,  we  are  rapidly  deteriorating 
both  in  number  and  vigor.  It  is  certainly  to  be  lamented,  that,  as  a  people,  we  care 
so  little  for  permanent  homes,  for  the  possession  and  improvement  of  the  soil,  and  for 
the  quiet  but  varied  and  happy  life  of  the  farm.  Let  us  hope,  sir,  that  in  the  years 
to  come  the  agricultural  interests  of  New  England  may  prosper  more  and  more  ;  that 
by  the  discovery  of  new  principles  in  the  science,  and  by  the  use  of  new  methods  and 
means  in  the  art  of  agriculture,  the  profits,  the  pleasures,  and  the  popularity  of  this 
most  indispensable  occupation  may  be  largely  increased  ;  and  that  the  farmers,  as  a 
class,  may  never  be  less  patriotic  than  on  that  "glorious  morning  "  when,  — 

"Their  flags  to  April's  breeze  unfurled, 
Here  once  the  embattled  farmers  stood, 
And  fired  the  shot  heard  round  the  world." 


84  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

The  President. —  Lexington  is  proud  to  share  the  honors  of  the  iQth  of 
April  with  the  goodly  array  of  towns  that  came  so  generously  to  her 
assistance  in  the  hour  of  danger. 

We  take  pleasure,  therefore,  in  calling  upon  our  neighbor  Mr.  Gooch,  to 
speak  for 

2Tf)e  -participating  Coians. 

SPEECH  OE  THE  HON.  D.  W.  GOOCH. 

Mr.  President.  —  In  describing  the  state  of  feeling  in  the  colonies  in  the  early  part 
of  1775,  one  of  our  historians  has  well  said,  "The  insulting  and  warlike  tenor  of  the 
news  from  England  only  made  the  patriots  firmer.  They  presented,  at  this  period 
of  intense  anxiety,  a  nobler  spectacle.  It  was  the  awful  pause  between  the  resolution 
and  the  act.  They  had  determined  to  resist,  and  yet  had  not  been  obliged  to  strike." 
This  pause  was  broken  at  Lexington  and  Concord  on  the  morning  of  the  igth  of 
April,  one  hundred  years  ago.  The  volleys  fired  by  the  British  regulars  into  the 
patriot  troops,  assembled  at  these  places  to  resist  armed  aggression  on  their  rights, 
made  the  obligation  to  strike  imperative  ;  and  the  blows  given  were  returned. 

As  the  news  of  these  events  spread  through  the  surrounding  towns,  the  people  felt 
that  the  die  had  been  cast,  that  war  had  been  made  upon  them  by  the  British  forces  ; 
and  the  militia  and  minute-men  rushed  to  the  attack  of  the  enemy,  relieved  of  all  ap 
prehension  lest  they  might  by  over-hasty  action  precipitate  hostilities.  War  existed, 
and  they  were  ready  to  participate  in  it. 

The  great  significance  of  the  acts  of  the  patriots  at  Lexington  and  Concord  is,  that, 
while  they  struck  the  first  blows  for  liberty,  they  so  conducted  themselves  as  to  place 
the  whole  responsibility  for  hostilities  on  the  British.  This  was  the  judgment  of  their 
countrymen  and  the  world  then,  and  time  has  approved  the  verdict.  It  seems  to  me 
that  no  American  who  carefully  considers  the  matter  would  wish  any  important  event 
of  that  day  at  Lexington  or  Concord  changed. 

Col.  Smith  little  realized,  during  the  two  hours  he  was  resting  his  troops  at  Con 
cord,  the  effect  which  the  events  of  the  morning  were  producing  in  the  surrounding 
towns  and  through  the  colony,  or  the  perils  and  disasters  he  was  to  encounter  on  his 
retreat. 

He  had  marched  out  through  a  people  who  were  resolved,  that,  if  hostilities  were 
commenced,  he  should  initiate  them.  In  his  retreat  he  soon  found  that  all  had 
changed,  that  the  patriots  as  soon  as  the  news  had  reached  them  had  accepted  the 
events  of  the  morning  at  Lexington  and  Concord  as  the  beginning  of  a  war  in  which 
they  were  ready  to  participate.  The  men  from  the  surrounding  towns,  as  they  poured 
in  to  unite  in  the  attack  upon  the  retreating  enemy,  had  no  doubtful  questions  of 
diplomacy  to  settle,  but  only  the  stern  duty  of  patriot  soldiers  to  perform. 

It  is  not  possible  to  name  all  the  towns  that  participated  in  the  attacks  upon  the 
British  in  their  retreat  from  Concord  to  Charlestown,  or  state  the  number  of  men 
furnished  by  them,  or  award  to  any  one  of  them  the  exact  share  of  the  honors  to 
which  it  is  entitled. 


MR.  CON  A  NT'S   SPEECH.  85 

We  know  that  men  from  twenty-one  towns  besides  Lexington  and  Concord  suffered 
from  the  casualties  of  the  day ;  that  other  towns  were  represented  by  their  militia  and 
minute-men,  who  rendered  highly  meritorious  service  ;  and  that  the  military  forces  of 
more  distant  towns,  as  soon  as  the  news  of  the  events  of  the  morning  had  reached 
them,  started  for  the  scene  of  action.  The  same  spirit  animated  the  hearts  of  all 
patriotic  Americans  at  this  time  ;  all  were  ready  to  strike  for  liberty  and  the  defence 
of  their  rights  whenever  and  as  soon  as  the  occasion  and  the  opportunity  offered. 
The  march  of  the  British  to  Lexington,  —  suspected  by  some  to  be  for  the  purpose  of 
seizing  Adams  and  Hancock,  then  the  guests  of  one  of  its  citizens,  and  regarded  as 
under  its  protection,  but  really  for  the  seizure  and  destruction  of  the  arms  and  mili 
tary  stores  collected  at  Concord  —  and  their  attack  upon  the  militia  at  these  two  places, 
furnished  the  occasion  and  the  opportunity. 

How  well  they  were  improved  by  Lexington,  Concord,  and  the  participating  towns, 
the  defeat  of  the  British  in  their  retreat  from  Concord  and  their  flight  through  Lexing 
ton  till  they  found  shelter  in  the  hollow  square  of  their  re-enforcements,  and  the  retreat 
of  their  united  force  from  Lexington,  finally  ending  in  their  flight  across  Charlestown 
Neck  to  the  protection  of  the  guns  of  their  ships  in  Boston  Harbor  ;  and  the  aston 
ishment  of  the  people  and  the  incredulity  of  the  ministry  when  the  news  of  the 
events  of  that  day  reached  England,  —  then  bore  testimony,  and  the  thousands  of  our 
countrymen  now  assembled  here  and  at  Concord  in  honor  of  what  was  done  on  that 
day  still  attest. 

The  President.  —  The  citizens  of  Concord,  like  those  of  Lexington,  are 
kept  at  home  to-day  to  assist  in  entertaining  the  countless  throng  of  people 
that  have  been  pouring  into  both  towns  since  an  early  hour  this  morning  from 
all  parts  of  the  land. 

We  have  a  Toast  ready  for 

Oje  Coton  of  Concord ; 

but  in  the  absence  of  her  delegates  we  will  proceed  to  the  next  town,  remem 
bering  the  conspicuous  and  honorable  part  which 

£f)E  i-Hcn  of  3cton 

took  in  the  memorable  engagement  of  a  hundred  years  ago. 

I  will  request  Mr.  Luther  Conant  to  speak  for  the  town  of  Acton. 

SPEECH    OF    LUTHER   CONANT,    Es<j. 

Mr.  Chairman, — The  sentiment  just  read  could  with  propriety  bt:  responded  to 
by  any  one  of  the  score  of  towns  whose  men  took  part  in  the  memorable  events  of 
the  day  which  we  have  met  to  commemorate. 

A  common  danger  had  so  strongly  welded  together  the  colonists,  that  a  blow  struck 
at  one  town  was  felt  and  resisted  by  all  ;  and  there  can  be  no  shadow  of  doubt,  that, 


86  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

had  the  invaders  taken  another  route,  Lexington  men  would  have  gone  out  to  meet 
them  as  promptly  and  undauntedly  as  they  defended  their  own  soil  and  firesides. 
And,  as  one  of  the  sons  of  Acton  gave  up  his  life  in  your  town  under  circumstances 
of  peculiar  interest,  it  may  seem  proper  to  narrate,  as  briefly  as  possible,  the  part  taken 
by  the  men  of  Acton,  and  thus  show  that  the  high  encomium  you  have  passed  upon 
that  town  is  not  wholly  unmerited. 

One  hundred  years  ago  this  morning,  a  horseman,  whose  name  will  never  be  known, 
rode  up  to  the  house  of  Capt  Joseph  Robbins,  located  in  the  easterly  part  of  Acton, 
and  without  dismounting  gave  several  sharp  blows  on  the  corner  of  the  house,  at  the 
same  time  shouting,  "  Capt.  Robbins,  Capt.  Robbins  !  up,  up  !  the  regulars  are  com 
ing  to  Concord.  Rendezvous  at  the  old  North  Bridge  as  quick  as  possible  Alarm 
Acton!"  —  after  which  he  rapidly  drove  off,  it  is  presumed  to  notify  the  more  interior 
towns.  The  summons  was  not  wholly  unexpected  ;  as  the  fact  was  well  known  that  a 
large  quantity  of  valuable  military  stores  had  been  accumulated  at  Concord,  under 
the  authority  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  and  from  warnings  received  from  the  Com 
mittee  of  Safety,  of  Boston,  that  Gov.  Gage  intended  a  movement  that  might  be 
made  in  that  direction.  Nor  was  the  town  found  unprepared;  for,  with  a  population 
of  only  five  hundred  inhabitants,  there  were  three  military  companies, —  first,  Capt. 
Isaac  Davis's  company  of  minute-men,  which  had  met  twice  a  week  to  drill  and 
practise,  since  the  preceding  November,  for  which  service  the  town  paid  them  eight 
pence  for  each  half-day:  the  others  were  known  as  militia,  and  were  under  the  com 
mand  of  Capt.  Joseph  Robbins,  and  Lieut.  Simon  Hunt. 

Capt.  Robbins's  only  son,  a  boy  of  ten  years,  was  instantly  put  upon  the  back 
of  the  old  mare,  and,  with  the  injunction  not  to  let  the  grass  grow  under  her  feet,  was 
started  to  notify  Capt.  Davis  and  Lieut.  Hunt  to  call  out  their  men.  The  minute- 
men  were  ready  first,  and  started  first.  They  were  a  select  company,  mostly  young 
men ;  and  they  soon  assembled  at  Capt.  Davis's  house  to  the  number  of  about  forty. 
Some  of  them  made  a  few  cartridges,  and  others  adjusted  new  flints  to  the  locks  of 
their  guns. 

James  Hayward  (killed  that  day  in  Lexington)  went  to  the  grindstone,  and  sharp 
ened  his  bayonet,  saying,  "  I  hope  to  have  a  push  at  them  before  night,  and  want  my 
bayonet  sharp."  Some  were  laughing  and  joking  at  the  prospect  of  having  a  shot  at 
the  regulars;  but  Capt.  Davis  reproved  them,  saying,  that  in  his  opinion  it  was  a 
most  eventful  day,  that  blood  would  flow,  and  no  one  knew  who  would  be  the  first  to 
fall.  He  had  great  hopes  that  the  country  would  be  free,  though  he  might  not  live 
to  see  it.  It  is  probable  that  Capt.  Davis  did  not  expect  to  return  alive  ;  and  after 
marching  his  company,  some  twenty  in  number,  out  through  his  lane  to  the  highway, 
he  halted  them,  and  went  back  to  the  house.  His  heart  must  have  been  tried,  for  he 
had  a  youthful  wife,  and  four  sick  children.  He  was  barely  able  to  control  himself 
sufficiently  to  say,  "  Hannah,  take  good  care  of  the  children,"  the  feelings  of  the  hus 
band  and  father  almost  overcoming  the  soldier.  But  he  took  his  favorite  gun,  a 
beautiful  piece  of  workmanship  made  by  his  own  hands  (he  being  by  occupation  a  gun 
smith),  and  without  delay  started  his  men  for  the  North  Bridge  at  about  seven  o'clock, 
the  distance  being  about  seven  miles  by  the  then  existing  roads.  When  he  arrived 
with  his  command,  a  number  of  companies  were  on  the  ground  ;  and  he  placed  his  men 


MR.    CON  A  NT'S   SPEECH.  87 

on  the  left  of  the  Concord  Minute-men,  a  position  they  had  occupied  at  a  regimental 
muster  some  days  before.  A  council  of  war  was  called  ;  and  after  a  brief  consultation 
Capt.  Davis  returned  to  his  company,  changed  their  position  to  the  right  of  the  line, 
and,  at  his  favoiite  tune  of  "The  White  Cockade,"  headed  the  column  of  attack 
toward  the  bridge.  By  his  side  marched  Major  Butterick  of  Concord,  and  Col. 
Robinson  of  Westford.  It  was  when  changing  the  position  of  his  company  that  he 
uttered  the  words,  "  I'm  not  afraid  to  go,  and  I  haven't  a  man  that  is,"  —  words  which, 
being  spoken  at  that  time  and  under  those  circumstances,  had  a  deep  significance. 
The  exchange  of  shots,  the  volley,  the  death  of  Capt.  Davis  and  Private  Abner  Hos- 
mer,  are  familiar  to  you  all. 

Whoever  was  ranking  officer  or  nominally  in  command,  the  leading  spirit  of  the 
Americans  was  evidently  Capt.  Isaac  Davis ;  and,  with  the  return  of  the  volley  that 
sped  that  soul  on  its  way,  the  fight  at  the  Old  North  Bridge  was  over.  There  is  but 
one  explanation  that  excuses  the  minute-men  for  not  intercepting  the  retreat  of  Capt. 
Parsons's  detachment  of  regulars,  and  for  not  following  the  British  to  the  village  ;  and 
that  explanation  is,  the  provincials  had  lost  their  leader.  At  Fiske's  Hill  in  Lexing 
ton,  a  sharp  encounter  took  place.  James  Hayward  of  Acton  had  been  among  the 
foremost  all  the  way  ;  and,  in  passing  to  the  well  in  the  rear  of  the  house  near  the  foot 
of  the  hill,  he  saw  a  British  soldier  plundering,  who  espied  him  at  the  same  moment, 
and  ran  to  the  door  to  escape.  Raising  his  gun  to  his  shoulders,  he  exclaimed,  "  You 
are  a  dead  man."  —  "  So  are  you,"  said  Hayward.  They  both  fired  :  the  regular  fell 
dead,-  and  young  Hayward  received  a  mortal  wound.  He  lived  eight  hours,  long 
enough  for  his  father  to  arrive,  and  to  comfort  him  with  conversation,  prayer,  and  read 
ing  of  the  Scriptures.  "  James,"  said  the  venerable  man,  "  you  have  but  a  few  hours  to 
live.  Are  you  sorry  you  turned  out  ? "  —  "  Father,  hand  me  my  powder-horn  and 
bullet-pouch.  I  started  with  a  pound  of  powder  and  forty  balls :  there  are  but  three  or 
four  left.  Father,  I  never  did  such  a  day's  work  before.  I  am  not  sorry.  I  die  will 
ingly  for  my  country,  for  I  believe  now  that  with  God's  help  she  will  be  free.  Tell 
my  mother,  whom  1  love  dearly,  not  to  mourn  too  much  for  me  ;  and  tell  another, 
whom  I  love  as  much  as  I  do  my  mother,  — you  know  whom  I  mean,  —  that  I  am  not 
sorry.  I  shall  never  see  her  again  :  may  we  meet  in  heaven  !  " 

The  town  of  Acton  has  ever  held  in  grateful  remembrance  the  character  and  ser 
vices  of  these  three  men.  They  were  buried  from  the  house  of  Capt.  Davis,  the  day 
after  the  fight,  the  whole  town  being  present  at  the  funeral  ceremony  ;  and  soon  after 
suitable  tablets  were  erected  over  their  graves.  The  leader's  epitaph  reads,  "  /// 
memory  of  Capt  Isaac  Davis,  who  was  slain  at  Concord,  April  19,  1775,  in  the  defence 
of  the  just  rights  and  liberties  of  his  country,  civil  and  religious.  He  w,is  a  loving 
husband,  a  tender  fat/ier,  a  kind  neighbor,  an  ingenious  craftsman,  and  serviceable  to  man 
kind.'"  Did  I  say  an  epitaph?  an  epic,  rather;  for  this  gallant  captain,  this  true  hus 
band  and  father,  this  skilful  mechanic,  this  go  >d  citizen,  this  Christian  patriot,  found 
his  home  at  the  early  age  of  thirty  years.  Hosmer  was  twenty-two,  and  Hayward 
twenty-five  years  old.  Another  illustration  that  the  glory  and  chivalry  of  every  age 
are  exemplified  by  its  young  men. 

In  1805  the  company  known  as  the  Davis  Blues  was  organized,  and  in  the  war  of 
1812  was  stationed  to  guard  the  forts  at  South  Boston.  In  1835  the  town  celebrated 


88  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

the  centennial  of  its  organization  ;  publishing  an  address  in  which  the  part  taken  by 
the  men  of  Acton  in  the  events  of  April  19,  1775,  was  plainly  set  forth,  with  map 
of  roads  and  buildings  at  the  time  of  the  fight,  and  also  depositions  of  the  survivors. 
On  the  igth  of  April,  1840,  the  citizens  met  together,  and  planted  a  large  number  of 
shade-trees  on  both  sides  of  the  main  street  through  the  village,  which  are  now, 
with  the  growth  of  thirty-five  years,  the  pride  of  our  common. 

In  1851,  by  request  of  the  town,  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts  co-operated 
with  the  town  in  erecting  a  suitable  monument  of  native  granite  over  the  bones  of 
the  patriot  martyrs.  In  the  same  year  the  Davis  Guards  were  organized,  and  num 
bered  Company  E  of  the  Sixth  Regiment  Massachusetts  Volunteers,  —  an  organiza 
tion,  which,  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  Rebellion,  became  the  historic  regiment  of 
Massachusetts,  giving  the  igth  of  April  a  new  baptism  of  blood  in  the  streets  of  Bal 
timore,  and  being  the  first  to  arrive  at  the  National  Capitol. 

Macaulay  in  one  of  his  glowing  periods  says,  that  it  is  impossible  not  to  respect  the 
sentiment  that  manifests  itself  in  these  tokens  ;  for  it  is  a  sentiment  that  springs  from 
the  higher  and  purer  part  of  human  nature,  and  one  that  adds  not  a  little  to  the 
strength  of  states.  A  people  that  takes  no  pride  in  the  noble  achievements  of  remote 
ancestors  will  never  achieve  any  thing  worthy  to  be  remembered  with  pride  by  remote 
descendants. 

As  there  is  no  dispute  that  the  minute-men  of  Lexington,  commanded  by  Capt. 
John  Parker,  were  the  first  provincial  military  organization  that  confronted  and 
resisted  the  passage  of  the  British  troops,  may  not  the  town  of  Acton  justly  claim 
that  Capt.  Isaac  Davis  at  the  head  of  his  company,  later  in  the  day,  and  on  another 
field,  led  the  first  organized  attack  on  the  same  body  ?  —  an  attack  that  before  nightfall 
resulted  in  the  total  rout  and  defeat  of  the  invaders  ;  a  defeat  not  notable  by  the 
number  of  men  engaged,  but  memorable  in  that  it  opened  a  long  train  of  great  events 
which  culminated  in  the  organization  of  a  free  government,  and  the  birth  of  a  mighty 
nation. 

The  President. —  We  inaugurate  to-day  a  series  of  centennial  celebrations 
which,  it  is  expected,  will  culminate  with  the  National  Exhibition  at  Philadel 
phia  next  year. 

Our  festivities  are  honored  by  the  presence  of  a  large  and  distinguished 
delegation  from  the  city  which  gave  to  the  Republic  the  immortal  Declaration 
of  Independence. 

No  one  is  better  able  to  speak  for 


2Cf)e  $JnitetJ  States  Centennial  (£omim'esion  ant)  tta 
than  Mr.  Goshorn,  its  Director  General. 

RESPONSE  BY  THE  HON.  ALFRED  T.  GOSHORN. 

Mr.  President, —  We  are  in  the  twilight   of  the  hundredth  year  of    the   national 
existence.     The  love  of  country,  the  richness  of  the  heritage,  the   thrift   and   intelli- 


MR.    GOSHORWS   SPEECH.  89 

gence  of  the  people,  have  sustained  the  institutions  of  the  fathers,  and  made  the 
Republic  equal  lo  the  greatest  governments  of  the  world.  The  occasion  we  celebrate 
is  not  one  of  sentiment  only;  but  it  is  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  country,  that 
marks  the  material  and  political  prosperity  of  a  favored  people.  This  vast  demonstra 
tion,  while  it  commemorates  deeds  of  strife  and  heroism,  is  also  an  offering  of  peace 
and  good-will.  It  is  fitting,  therefore,  at  the  close  of  the  first  century  of  the  national 
life,  that  there  should  be  a  representation,  under  the  auspices  of  the  government,  of 
the  causes,  the  elements  and  resources,  that  have  supported  our  institutions,  and  pro 
moted  the  happiness  and  prosperity  of  the  people. 

A  patriotic  sentiment  suggested,  as  a  most  appropriate  feature  of  the  Centennial 
Celebration  the  coming  year,  an  exhibition  of  the  productive  and  industrial  interests 
of  this  and  all  the  countries  of  the  world.  In  obedience  to  this  sentiment,  and  moved 
by  the  fitness  of  the  proposition,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  has  directed  that 
there  shall  be  held  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  in  the  year  1876,  in  commemoration  of 
American  independence,  an  international  exhibition  of  products,  manufactures,  and 
arts.  The  preparations  for  this  great  enterprise  have  been  intrusted  to  the  Centen 
nial  Commission  representing  the  States  and  Territories  of  the  Union. 

Every  civilized  government  of  the  earth  has  been  invited  by  the  President  to  par 
ticipate  in  this  exhibition.  The  cordial  acceptance  of  the  invitation,  and  the  provis 
ion  already  made  by  foreign  governments  to  be  present,  indicates  their  friendly 
sympathy,  and  insures  a  large  and  most  interesting  representation  of  the  industries  of 
almost  every  nation  of  the  world.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  relations  of  this 
people  to  other  governments,  the  differences,  if  the  thought  of  any  still  unhappily 
exists,  will  be  forgotten  in  the  sincere  co-operation  that  will  be  extended  to  render 
this  exhibition  worthy  of  the  prestige  of  America. 

The  Centennial  Commission,  profoundly  sensible  of  the  magnitude  and  comprehen 
sive  character  of  the  national  enterprise,  has  projected  plans  and  measures  on  a  scale 
commensurate  with  the  dignity  of  the  government,  and  of  the  importance  of  the  event. 
In  the  autumn  of  this  year  there  will  stand  on  the  banks  of  the  Schuylkill  a  series 
of  grand  buildings  that  will  reflect  honor  on  the  country,  —  monuments  of  peace  and 
good-will  toward  all  men. 

In  this  worthy  enterprise,  instituted  and  directed  by  the  government,  is  involved 
the  good  name  of  the  nation.  The  "  grand  old  Commonwealth*  of  Massachusetts  " 
was  first  and  foremost  in  the  acts  and  scenes  that  led  to  the  establishment  of  the 
Republic;  she  will  bs  first  and  foremost  in  her  co-operation  and  representation  at 
the  exhibition  which  will  celebrate  the  triumphs  of  peace  and  industry  as  the  results 
of  the  declaration  that  was  proclaimed  by  the  deeds  of  Lexington  and  Concord. 

The  President.  —  I  propose  as  the  next  Toast,  — 

American 


The  events  we  this  day  celebrate  will  forever  constitute  one  of  the  most 
luminous  chapters  in  the  annals  of  human  progress.  History  shall  perpetuate 
the  record  ;  and  a  grateful  posterity  will  ever  turn  to  it  with  admiration  and 
pride.  12 


90  LEXINGTON   CENTENNIAL. 

We  should  be  glad  to  hear  from  Col.  Wilder,  the  venerable  President  of  the 
New  England  Historic-Genealogical  Society. 

SPEECH   OF  THE  HON.  MARSHALL  PINCKNEY  WILDER. 

Mr.  President, —  I  thank  you  for  the  privilege  of  being  present  and  participating 
in  the  ceremonies  of  this  most  interesting  occasion.  As  the  toast  expresses  it,  we 
meet  to  celebrate  one  of  the  most  sublime  events  in  the  annals  of  history ;  for, 
sir,  as  the  first  gun  on  Sumter  sealed  the  fate  of  slavery  in  the  United  States,  so  the 
first  shot  at  Lexington  sealed  the  doom  of  British  empire  in  America,  and  forever 
settled  the  destiny  of  freedom  for  this  western  world. 

The  i Qth  of  April,  1775  !  What  a  glorious  day,  —  the  baptismal  day  of  a 
nation  in  the  blood  of  her  sons,  on  the  altar  of  freedom  !  And,  sir,  as  the  first  light 
of  morning  streaming  over  the  mountain  tops  and  spreading  into  universal  day,  so  the 
fires  of  patriotism,  kindled  on  these  plains  a  hundred  years  ago,  will  continue  to  elec 
trify  and  illume  the  world" with  the  results  of  American  independence  and  American 
civilization,  — 

"  While  the  earth  bears  a  plant,  or  the  sea  rolls  a  wave." 

The  results  of  the  battles  of  Lexington  and  Concord  were  of  far  greater  conse 
quence  ultimately,  in  their  influence  on  the  welfare  of  mankind,  than  those  of  Ther- 
mopylag,  Marathon,  Cannas,  Aus'erlitz,  Waterloo,  or  Sedan  ;  leading  as  they  did  to 
the  American  Revolution,  and  giving  to  the  world  the  only  free  and  independent 
nation  which  has  existed  for  a  hundred  years,  —  a  nation  exalted  in  privilege,  prog 
ress,  and  prosperity  above  any  other  on  earth  ;  a  nation  whose  example  will  ultimately, 
we  believe,  revolutionize  the  world,  and  secure  the  rich  inheritance  of  liberty  and 
equality  for  all  mankind.  Some  sections  of  our  favored  land  may  possess  more  luxu 
riant  soils  and  milder  skies  ;  but  I  believe,  sir,  there  is  no  spot  on  earth  so  green  in 
the  hearts  of  freemen,  so  sacred  in  the  heart  of  memory,  as  that  watered  by  the  blood 
of  those  who  fell  in  defence  of  their  homes  and  human  rights  on  the  igth  of  April, 
1775.  The  events  of  that  day  were  the  heralds  of  that  freedom  which  we  now  enjoy ; 
and  from  that  moment  when  the  first  martyr  fell  on  the  plains  of  Lexington  the  cause 
of  liberty  and  human  right  has  been  "  marching  on." 

And  what  adds  to  the  interest  of  this  occasion  is  the  fact  that  the  events  we  cele 
brate  took  place  on  Massachusetts  soil.  Massachusetts  has  been  a  great  leader  in 
the  cause  of  American  liberty  and  American  civilization.  She  was  first  to  receive 
upon  her  soil  the  exiles  for  religious  freedom,  first  in  the  martyrdom  of  her  sons  at 
Lexington  and  Concord,  first  in  the  signature  ofrher  sons  to  the  Declaration  of  Ameri- 
ican  Independence,  first  in  the  field  for  the  suppression  of  the  American  Rebellion, 
first  for  the  abrogation  of  human  bondage  on  this  continent. 

But,  Mr.  President,  the  thought  that  most  engrosses  my  mind  to-day  is  the  wonder 
ful  progress,  prosperity,  and  influence  of  this  nation.  Never  before  in  the  annals  of 
history  has  there  been  such  an  illustration  of  the  enterprise,  capacity,  and  independ 
ence  of  a  people  ;  never  before  such  an  illustration  of  the  divine  favor,  if  we  except 


COL.    WILDER'S    SPEECH.  9! 

God's  chosen  people,  the  Jews,  as  has  been  manifested  to  this  nation  in  raising  it  up 
to  be  an  example  of  those  great  principles  of  civil  and  religious  freedom  which  con 
stitute  the  foundation  of  human  happiness.  But  what  shall  we  say  of  the  great  future 
of  this  Republic  ?  When  we  reflect  on  the  amazing  progress  and  vast  resources  of  our 
nation  ;  when  we  compare  the  condition  of  our  few  feeble  colonies  as  they  existed  one 
hundred  years  ago,  with  the  thirty-seven  independent  states  of  our  Republic ; 
when  we  contrast  the  limited  population  scattered  along  the  borders  of  our  eastern 
slope  with  the  forty-five  millions  now  spread  over  the  continent  from  ocean  to  ocean, 
and  destined  ere  the  lapse  of  another  century  to  reach  two  hundred  millions  of 
freemen,  —  its  immense  territory  embracing  almost  all  the  climes  and  products  of  the 
world,  spread  out  by  the  hand  of  Gqd  as  an  asylum  for  the  oppressed  of  mankind,  —  I 
am  overwhelmed' with  the  thought  of  its  rising  greatness,  and  the  mission  it  has  to 
perform.  And  whose  heart  does  not  throb  with  joy  at  the  recollection  of  the  events 
we  this  day  celebrate  ?  Whose  eyes  have  not  been  suffused  with  tears  of  gratitude  by 
the  scenes  of  this  day,  the  peals  of  merry  bells,  the  salvos  of  booming  cannon,  the 
presence  of  congregated  thousands,  and  the  song  of  praise  and  thanksgiving  rising 
like  incense  from  the  altars  of  freemen  to  the  God  of  battles  who  hath  delivered  us 
from  oppression  and  made  us  "  free  indeed  "  ? 

Standing  then,  as  we  do  to-day,  about  to  enier  on  the  second  century  of  our 
national  existence,  let  us  remember  the  way  in  which  the  Lord  hath  led  us.  How 
grand  the  story  of  our  Republic!  How  momentous  its  influence  on  the  welfare  of 
mankind!  How  bright  the  future  with  anticipations  of  freedom  for  the  world!  Let 
us  also  remember  the  sacrifices  made  to  secure  the  priceless  blessings  we  enjoy  ;  and 
let  us  resolve,  "live  or  die,"  that  we  will  stand  by  the  Constitution  and  Union  of 
these  States,  —  a  Union  cemented  by  the  bloocl  of  our  fathers,  brethren,  and  sons  ;  a 
Union  that  none  can  sever ;  a  Union  sovereign,  supreme,  eternal  ! 

The  President.  —  The  hours  of  this  day  have  now  so  nearly  passed,  that  it 
is  time  for  us  to  part.  I  will  read  but  one  of  the  remaining  Toasts,  to 
which  music  will  be  the  only  response ;  and  we  will  separate  with  a  sentiment 
befitting  a  day  of  commemoration  of  the  devotion  of  our  forefathers  to  Virtue 
and  to  Liberty  ;  and  this  will  serve  as  a  benediction. 

2Tfjc  IjUttercntJ  Clmjvj. 

They  have  ever  taught  Americans  that  in  public  and  private  virtue  alone 
is  freedom. 

"  Love  Virtue  :  she  alone  is  free  ; 
She  can  teach  ye  how  to  climb 
Higher  than  the  sphery  chime  : 
Or,  if  Virtue  feeble  were, 
Heaven  itself  would  stoop  to  her." 

The  Committee  had  in  readiness  othsr  sentiments  intimately  connected 
with  this  occasion  ;  and  they  regretted,  that,  owing  to  the  length  of  the  exer- 


92  LEXINGTON  CENTENNIAL. 

cises,  opportunity  could  not  be  given  to  many  other  distinguished  guests  of 
the  town  from  various  parts  of  the  country  to  respond  to  such  toasts  as, 
"The  Army,"  "  The  Navy,"  "  The  Sons  of  Connecticut,"  "  The  Great  West," 
"  The  Congress  of  1774,"  "The  Pulpit  of  the  Revolution,"  "Lexington  and 
Yorktown,"  "  The  Militia,"  "  The  Currency,"  "  The  Town  of  Danvers,"  "The 
Town  of  Lexington,  Ky.,"  "  The  Freedmen,"  &c. 


The  following  is  the  letter  of  invitation  sent  by  the  Committee  to  Mr. 
Gladstone :  — 

LEXINGTON,  MASS.,  U.S.,  Feb.  16,  1875. 
To  THE  RIGHT  HON.  WILLIAM  E.   GLADSTONE. 

Sir,  —  The  town  of  Lexington,  Massachusetts,  where  the  opening  scene  of  the 
Revolution  was  laid,  purposes  to  celebrate,  on  the  i9th  of  April  next,  the  American 
centennial  anniversary  of  the  first  collision  between  the  provincials  and  the  soldiers 
of  the  king. 

The  contest  of  that  period  was  a  conflict  of  principles,  rather  than  of  arms  ;  each 
party  professing  to  stand  on  the  broad  basis  of  the  English  Constitution.  It  was  a 
question  of  the  construction  of  Magna  Charta  and  of  those  fundamental  principles 
of  human  rights  in  which  Englishmen  have  always  gloried,  and  which  the  two  nations 
now  hold  in  common. 

We  propose  to  make  our  celebration  liberal,  attractive,  and  national.  We  expect 
an  oration  from  the  Hon.  Richard  H.  Dana,  jun.,  a  ripe  jurist  and  a  sound  states 
man.  We  shall  also  unveil  the  statues  of  John  Hancock  and  Samuel  Adams,  patriots 
and  statesmen  known  to  fame  ;  and  the  exercises  of  the  day  will  close  with  a  public 
dinner,  at  which  we  hope  to  hear  from  our  distinguished  guests. 

We  have  extended  our  invitations  throughout  the  country,  and  trust  we  shall  be 
honored  by  the  presence  of  the  high  dignitaries  of  the  nation,  the  entire  government 
of  Massachusetts,  and  the  governors  of  the  several  States  of  the  Union.  We  have 
also  invited  the  most  distinguished  statesmen,  judges,  lawyers,  orators,  poets,  and 
divines  in  the  different  sections  of  the  country ;  so  that  we  anticipate  a  rich  intellectual 
treat,  and  a  celebration  worthy  of  the  occasion 

We  propose  to  commemorate  no  military  triumph,  but  the  assertion  of  the  right  of 
self-government  and  the  great  principles  avowed  in  the  English  revolution.  We  trust 
that  the  social  intercourse  and  the  commercial  relations  between  your  country  and 
our  own,  the  identity  of  language  and  the  similarity  of  laws,  so  far  make  us  one 
people,  that  we  can  rejoice  together  in  the  extension  of  enlightened  sentiments  and 
free  institutions. 

Your  well-known  reputation  for  liberal  views,  and  your  sincere  devotion  to  what 
ever  tends  to  elevate  and  improve  the  condition  of  society,  are  so  fully  appreciated  in 
America,  that  nothing  would  add  more  to  the  interest  of  our  celebration  than  your 
presence. 


LETTERS.  93 

We  therefore  most  cordially  and  respectfully  invite  you  to  be  present  as  our  guest 
on  that  day,  and  by  your  voice  to  show  our  people  that  broad  views  and  rational 
principles  of  liberty  are  not  confined  to  the  Western  Continent,  but  are  cherished  by 
enlightened  minds  in  all  parts  of  the  world. 

If  it  is  too  much  to  expect  you  to  cross  the  ocean  at  our  request,  may  we  not  hope 
to  hear  from  you  by  epistle,  ^p  that  we  may  realize  that  our  hearts  beat  in  unison  on 
that  historic  day  ? 

Most  respectfully,  your  obedient  servants, 

CHARLES  HUDSON,  \    Committee 

M.  H.  MERRIAM,  on 

WILLIAM  H.  MUNROE,     )  Invitations. 

A  similar  letter  of  invitation  to  John  Bright  drew  from  that  eminent  states 
man  the  following  reply  :  — 

ROCHDALE,  April  2,  1875. 

Dear  Sirs,  —  I  have  to  thank  you  for  the  kind  invitation  you  have  forwarded  to  me 
to  join  in  the  ceremonies  and  rejoicings  in  which  you  expect  to  be  engaged  on  the 
igth  of  this  month. 

I  cannot  cross  the  ocean  to  join  your  great  company;  and  I  know  not  how  to  write 
you  a  letter  fitting  the  occasion. 

I  would  rather  not  think  of  an  occasion  when  Englishmen  shed  blood,  and  English 
blood,  on  your  continent  ;  and  I  would  prefer  to  celebrate  the  freedom  and  grandeur 
of  your  country  on  some  other  day.  But  I  can  rejoice  with  you  in  that  freedom  and 
grandeur,  and  wish,  with  you,  that  they  may  be  perpetual. 

With  many  thanks  for  your  kind  remembrance  of  me,  I  am  sincerely  yours, 

JOHN  BRIGHT. 

Our  minister  to  France,  though  absent  from  the  country,  still  retains  the 
true  American  spirit. 

LEGATION  DES  ETATS-UNIS,  PARIS, 
Feb.  18,  1875. 

Gentlemen,  —  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the 
25th  ultimo,  advising  me  of  the  proposed  celebration  of  the  one  hundredth  anniver 
sary  of  the  battle  of  Lexington,  on  the  igth  of  April  next,  and  inviting  me  to  parti 
cipate  therein.  Nothing  could  possibly  afford  me  more  gratification  than  to  be  able 
to  celebrate  with  you  that  memorable  event ;  but,  as  I  do  not  propose  to  visit  the 
United  States  the  current  year,  it  will  be  impo.,iible  for  me  to  be  present. 

I  am  interested  in  your  celebration  by  a  double  title.  I  have  not  only  the  interest 
which  belongs  to  every  American  who  loves  his  country,  and  is  proud  of  its  institu 
tions  and  its  glory,  but  a  further  one  of  a  personal  character  which  comes  very  near 
to  me.  Among  the  improvised  soldiers  who  were  engaged  in  that  heroic  combat  was 
my  maternal  grandfather  Samuel  Benjamin.  Living  in  the  neighboring  town  of 


94  LEXINGTON  CENTENNIAL. 

Waltham,  at  the  breaking-out  of  the  troubles  with  the  mother  country  in  the  spring  of 
1775,  he  joined  the  company  of  Capt.  Daniel  Whiting,  of  which  he  was  made  the  first 
sergeant.  His  story  of  the  incidents  of  the  igth  of  April  is  among  my  earliest  recol 
lections  ;  and  the  impressions  made  upon  me  are  still  vividly  imprinted  on  my  memory. 
To  me  no  prouder  souvenir  can  be  cherished  than  that  which  your  celebration 
evokes  ;  for  on  that  bright,  clear,  crisp  morning,  Sergeant  Benjamin's  company,  hurry 
ing  to  Lexington,  was  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight.  It  was  then  and  there  that  the 
crack  of  those  rustic  muskets  awakened  echoes  that  have  reverberated  throughout  the 
world,  leading  to  results  and  consequences  which  have  challenged  the  profoundest 
attention  of  mankind  for  the  century  gone  by,  and  which  are  without  parallel  in 
historic  annals.  Participating  in  the  first  encounter  of  that  stupendous  struggle  which 
was  to  follow,  Mr.  Benjamin  fought  under  the  ensign  of  the  Revolution  for  more 
than  seven  long  years,  and  in  all  the  States  from  Massachusetts  to  Virginia.  Never 
out  of  the  service  for  a  single  day,  he  was  retired  as  a  lieutenant  in  Capt  Silas  Pierce's 
company,  Col.  Michael  Jackson's  regiment  in  the  Massachusetts  line,  on  the  sixth 
day  of  August,  1782.  He  was  at  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  at  Ticonderoga 
under  Gen.  Nathan  St.  Clair.  He  shared  the  horrors  of  Valley  Forge  with  Washing 
ton,  and  fought  under  his  banner  at  Monmouth.  He  was  at  the  siege  of  Yorktown, 
and  saw  Cornwallis  lay  down  his  arms.  At  this  time  he  was  adjutant  to  the  brave 
and  accomplished  Col.  Alexander  Scammel  ;  and  the  orderly-book  kept  by  him  at 
the  time,  as  well  as  his  diary,  remain  in  possession  of  his  family  ;  by  whom  they  are 
guarded  with  a  pious  care.  In  the  latter  is  found  the  following  entry  made  on  the 
ever-memorable  igth  of  October,  1781  :  "The  American  and  French  army  is 
paraded  to  receive  the  British  army  as  prisoners.  Our  army  was  drawn  up  in  line  of 
battle,  fronting  each  other,  and  the  British  march  though  them  with  three  thousand 
troops." 

I  hope,  gentlemen,  that  you  will  pardon  me  for  the  personal  character  of  this  reply 
to  your  invitation  ;  but  I  could  in  no  other  way  so  well  give  you  the  reason  for  the 
deep  interest  I  feel  in  your  celebration,  and  show  to  you  the  sincerity  of  my  regret  in 
not  being  able  to  join  you  on  an  occasion  which  can  but  awaken  the  most  sacred  and 
glorious  memories  ever  cherished  by  any  people. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

E.  B.  WASHBURNE. 

Our  minister  at  the  court  of  Berlin  fully  appreciates  the  valor  and  patriotic 
devotion  of  the  sons  of  Lexington,  and  gives  the  following  graphic  descrip 
tion  of  the  influence  of  their  deeds  upon  the  condition  of  Europe. 

AMERICAN  LEGATION,  BERLIN,  March  15,  1875. 

Gentlemen, —  I  have  received  your  kind  invitation  to  attend  the  hundredth  anniver 
sary  of  the  battle  of  Lexington,  and,  thanking  you  for  remembering  me  so  far  from 
home,  am  very  sorry  to  have  to  decline  it. 

One  is  reminded  by  daily  events  in  Europe,  of  what  took  place  in  old  Middlesex  a 


LETTERS.  95 

hundred  years  ago.  Picture  to  yourselves  the  Europe  of  that  day,  —  England  with 
Lord  North,  a  rotten  borough  parliament,  and  a  weekly  execution  before  the  Old 
Bailey ;  France  an  absolute  monarchy,  with  Louis  XV.  just  in  the  grave ;  Italy 
divided  and  dismembered  ;  Spain  a  despotism,  but  the  mistress  of  two-thirds  of  the 
American  Continent ;  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  in  Germany ;  Frederick  the  Great 
nursing  the  resources  of  Prussia ;  Holland  and  Venice  moribund  republics ;  Belgium 
a  part  of  the  domains  of  Austria ;  Poland  still  on  the  map  of  Europe  ;  Russia  not 
yet  recognized  as  one  of  the  great  political  powers  whose  signatures  were  necessary 
to  treaties  arranging  for  the  balance  of  power.  Concentration  of  political  power  in 
the  hands  of  princes  and  favorites  had  accustomed  the  people  of  Europe  to  take  little 
part  in  political  affairs,  and  had  begotten  that  system  of  politics  of  the  cabinet  for 
the  benefit  of  dynasties  which  had,  through  the  centuries,  caused  a  succession  of 
destructive  wars. 

The  struggle  which  began  on  Lexington  Common  was  the  dawn  of  a  new  era.  Its 
success  changed  the  face  of  Europe  and  the  character  of  its  politics.  Representa 
tives  of  national  interests  now  act  in  conferences  where  favorites  of  monarchs  for 
merly  played  their  selfish  games.  The  system  of  dynastic  interests  has  disappeared, 
at  least  for  a  time,  in  France  ;  it  is  a  vanishing  shadow  in  Great  Britain,  Italy, 
Denmark,  Sweden  and  Norway,  Belgium  and  Holland;  and  it  exhibits  only  traditions 
of  its  former  power  in  Germany  and  Austria.  The  idea  of  national  unity  in  foreign 
relations,  which  brought  Washington  from  Virginia  to  Cambridge  after  the  events  of 
Lexington  and  Concord,  has  welded  together  in  succession  the  separate  elements  of 
national  life,  first  in  Italy,  and  next  in  Germany.  The  idea  of  freedom  and  personal 
liberty  has  penetrated  the  barriers  of  Russia,  and  set  free  millions  of  serfs.  France  is 
a  republic,  resting  on  universal  suffrage.  The  parliament  of  England  is  now  chosen 
by  a  wide-spread  suffrage.  Germany  and  Switzerland  each  has,  at  once,  a  federative 
government,  and  a  government  of  States,  each  constitutional  in  form  and  representa 
tive  in  character.  Italy,  Denmark,  Sweden  and  Norway,  Belgium,  and  the  smaller 
European  powers,  are  enjoying  constitutional  institutions,  which  were  unknown  before 
the  success  of  the  American  revolution  paved  the  way  for  the  written  Constitution  of 
the  American  Republic;  and  the  municipal  laws  of  all  these  countries  have  all  been 
modified  and  humanized  in  the  interest  of  mankind. 

The  men  of  Massachusetts  fell  that  day,  but  their  ideas  survived  them.  It  was  said 
of  the  ashes  of  Wyckliffe,  in  the  familiar  lines,  — 

"The  Avon  to  the  Severn  runs, 

The  Severn  to  the  sea  ; 
And  Wyckliffe's  dust  shall  spread  abroad 
Wide  as  the  waters  be." 

One  may  say  the  same  of  the  blood  of  the  Massachusetts  martyrs  which  ran  that 
day  with  the  quiet  rivers  of  Middlesex. 

Again  thanking  you  for  your  courtesy,  I  am,  gentlemen, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

J.  C.  BANCROFT  DAVIS. 


96  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

The  absence  of  Mr.  Winthrop  was  an  occasion  of  general  regret.  He 
writes  as  follows  :  — 

ROME,  i7th  March,  1875. 

Gentlemen,  —  I  dare  not  longer  delay  an  acknowledgment  of  your  most  obliging 
communication.  It  reached  me  when  I  was  just  quitting  the  quiet  retreat  on  the 
shores  of  the  Mediterranean  to  which  I  had  resorted,  during  the  early  winter,  for  the 
health  of  one  of  my  family. 

It  renewed,  I  need  hardly  say,  the  deep  regrets  which  I  had  already  expressed  to 
my  valued  and  venerable  friend,  your  chairman,  that  unavoidable  absence  from  home 
and  country  would  deprive  me  of  the  privilege  of  taking  part  in  your  great  centennial 
celebration  of  the  igth  of  April. 

I  thank  you  sincerely,  gentlemen,  for  counting  me  worthy  to  be  remembered  again, 
at  so  great  a  distance,  in  a  foreign  land,  among  those  whom  you  would  be  pleased  to 
welcome  to  your  festive  board.  The  occasion  is  one  full  of  interest  and  attraction  for 
every  American  heart ;  and  your  programme  gives  promise  of  a  celebration  from  which 
no  one  would  willingly  be  absent. 

Most  gladly  would  I  have  paid  my  humble  tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  men  who 
perilled  their  lives,  and  poured  out  the  first  blood,  in  the  cause  of  American  liberty. 
Even  here,  where  I  am  surrounded  with  the  monuments  of  so  many  grand  and  heroic 
acts,  and  where  so  large  a  part  of  the  history  of  the  Old  World  is  written  on  the 
magnificent  ruins  which  confront  me  on  every  side,  I  turn  to  Lexington  and  Concord 
for  examples  of  deliberate  valor  in  a  just  cause,  which  are  not  surpassed  by  any  thing 
of  Greek  or  Roman  fame. 

Here,  too,  where  so  many  of  the  earlier  local  glories  are  merely  legendary,  and 
where,  through  the  relentless  investigations  of  modern  archaeologists  and  antiquaries, 
so  many  of  the  most  cherished  and  charming  legends  are  fast  fading  into  fables,  I 
cannot  but  appreciate,  more  highly  than  ever  before,  the  value  of  our  own  authentic 
records,  and  rejoice,  with  a  new  fervor,  that  there  is  nothing  of  uncertain  tradition  or 
doubtful  testimony  about  the  glory  of  your  village  heroes. 

It  seems  but  yesterday,  but  you  will  know  how  much  less  than  half  a  century  ago 
it  was,  that,  after  following  their  hallowed  remains  from  the  humble  graves  in  which 
they  had  originally  reposed,  to  the  vault  beneath  the  monument  where  they  now  rest, 
I  was  listening  to  their  story  with  all  its  thrilling  incidents,  as  it  fell  from  the  lips  of 
one  who  told  it  as  no  other  man  could  tell  it.  And,  if  any  detail  of  the  day  and  its 
events  were  omitted  by  Edward  Everett,  it  has  been  more  than  supplied  in  the 
admirable  town  history  of  your  chairman,  to  whose  fidelity  and  ability  I  was  so  long 
a  witness,  both  in  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts  and  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States.  r 

The  annals  of  Lexington,  and  of  the  men  who  have  made  its  name  famous  forever, 
are  indeed  safe  ;  and  the  lapse  of  ages  can  only  increase  the  veneration  in  which  the 
memories  of  those  men  are  held  by  the  lovers  of  liberty  throughout  the  world. 

For  ourselves,  who  have  inherited  the  freedom  which  was  purchased  for  us  at  so 
great  a  price,  we  can  never  be  too  grateful  either  to  the  men  who  planted  our  colonies, 
or  to  those  who  achieved  their  independence.  Other  and  later  struggles  and 


LETTERS.  97 

triumphs,  however  important,  must  never  be  suffered  to  blind  us  to  the  magnitude  of 
those  which  crowd  the  early  pages  of  our  colonial  and  national  history.  Writing  at 
this  moment  from  an  apartment  which  overhangs  the  site  of  the  old  gardens  of 
Sallust,  the  words  which  that  great  historian  puts  into  the  mouth  of  Cassar,  and  which 
were  familiar  to  me  as  a  school-boy,  come  back  with  renewed  vividness,  and  find  fresh 
illustration  and  force  in  events  at  home  which  have  recently  filled  so  many  hearts  with 
apprehension  :  — 

"  Prof  crib  -virtus  atque  sapientia  major  in  tills  fuit,  qui  ex  parvis  opibus  tantum 
imperium  fecere,  quam  in  nobis,  qui  ea  btne  parta  vix  retinemus." 

Let  me  not  seem,  however,  to  imply  a  doubt,  even  under  the  cover  of  a  dead 
language,  that  we  shall  still  hold  fast  and  forever  to  the  union  and  liberty  which  were 
won  for  us  by  the  wisdom  and  valor  of  our  fathers.  This  very  centennial  period 
comes  round  most  opportunely  for  recalling  the  whole  people  of  the  country  from 
divisions,  contentions,  and  estrangements  which  have  too  long  poisoned  our  peace, 
and  for  fixing  their  minds  and  hearts  once  more  on  the  common  glories  which  belong 
to  them  as  a  nation,  and  on  the  great  first  principles  which  were  contended  for  so 
nobly  on  every  battle-field  of  the  Revolution. 

Let  us,  then,  pay  to  the  heroes  of  those  battle-fields  the  full  honor  which  belongs 
to  them,  beginning  at  Lexington  and  Concord,  and  ending  only  with  Cowpens,  and 
Eutaw  Springs,  and  Yorktown.  The  memory  and  example  of  our  fathers  may  thus 
do  almost  as  much  in  these  latter  days  in  helping  us  to  uphold  and  maintain  our  free 
institutions,  as  their  wisdom  and  valor  did,  a  hundred  years  ago,  in  founding  and 
establishing  them. 

Once  more  thanking  you  for  your  most  friendly  and  flattering  invitation,  and  with 
sincere  wishes  for  the  success  of  your  celebration, 

I  am,  gentlemen,  your  obliged  fellow-citizen, 

ROBERT  C.  WINTHROP. 

Gen.  Howard,  commanding  the  Department  of  the  Columbia,  writes  from 
Portland,  Or.,  as  follows  :  — 

Probably  I  cannot  be  present  on  account  of  official  duty,  and  distance.  The  very 
fact  of  distance  is  suggestive  of  the  changes  that  have  taken  place  since  the  igth  of 
April,  1775. 

Here  on  the  Western  coast  is  a  country  with  cities  and  villages,  institutions  and 
customs,  so  assimilated  to  those  of  New  England,  that  it  is  difficult  to  realize  that 
more  than  three  thousand  miles  intervene  between  you  and  me. 

The  primary  struggle  beginning  at  Lexington,  which  was  destined  to  secure  true 
liberty  to  the  masses  of  men,  as  Mr.  Lincoln  said,  "A  government  of  the  people,  by 
the  people,  and  for  the  people,"  was  in  itself  only  a  typical  precursor  of  the  last  great 
struggle  for  genuine  political  freedom.  This  grand  result,  thanks  to  a  brave  people 
instinctively  true  to  the  teachings  of  their  fathers,  under  the  guidance  of  an  ever- 


98  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

present  God,  has  finally  extended  to  all  the  different  colors  and  descriptions  of  men 
that  make  up  our  diversified  national  family. 

Believing  this,  our  fathers'  work  epitomized  at  Lexington,  recalled  by  this  occasion, 
will  be  a  source  of  inspiration  to  our  young  men  to  have  good  courage,  stand  for  the 
right  against  all  opposition,  knowing  that,  in  the  future  as  in  the  past,  at  the  last  the 
right  is  sure  to  prevail. 

Very  truly  yours, 

O.  O.  HOWARD,  Brig.-General  U.S.A. 

The  Rev.  A.  L.  Stone,  D.D.,  writes  from  San  Francisco,  Feb.  17  :  — 

How  I  wish  I  could  be  there  on  the  grand  occasion,  and  share  the  hospitality  of 
the  generous  friends  whose  names  you  mention,  and  all  the  inspirations  of  the  hour 
and  the  scene  !  .  .  . 

But  I  am  bound  hand  and  foot  with  duties  and  cares  which  I  cannot  delegate  ;  and 
I  can  only  look  on  and  listen  from  a  distance,  and  catch  some  faint  echo  of  cannon 
throb  and  of  eloquent  speech.  The  heavens  shine  propitiously  on  the  storied 
memorial  day ! 

Col.  John  L.  Chandler,  a  native  of  Lexington,  sends  from  Dallas,  Tex., 
the  following  sentiment :  — 

The  acorn  planted  on  this  spot  on  the  igth  of  April,  1775,  has  become  the  gigantic 
oak  of  1875,  whose  wide-spreading  branches  cover  the  whole  continent  from  the  St. 
John  to  the  Rio  Grande,  from  the  surges  of  the  Atlantic  to  the  Golden  Gate  of  the 
Pacific. 

May  it  ever  shelter  a  brave  and  free  people,  worthy  of  their  noble  heritage,  and 
not  forgetful  of  those  who  sowed  in  toil  and  pain  for  the  harvest  which  in  joy  we  reap  ! 

The  following  telegram  speaks  for  itself :  — 

CASTOR,  WYOMING,  April  19,  1875. 

President  Centennial  Celebration  Headquarters,  —  Flood-bound  on  the  Rocky  Moun 
tains,  natives  of  Lexington  send  their  greetings. 

Gov.  Carpenter  of  Iowa  writes  :  — 

In  closing,  let  me  hope,  that  as  the  sentinel  in  the  patriot  army  during  the  Revolu 
tion  often  repeated  the  familiar  challenge,  "  Halt !  who  goes  there  ? "  and  being 
answered,  "  A  friend,"  replied,  "  Advance,  friend,  and  give  the  countersign,"  and, 
the  word  "  Lexington  "  being  whispered  in  his  ear,  would  say,  "  The  countersign  is 


LETTERS.  99 

right:  pass  on,"  —  so  may  the  nation  to-day  take  up  the  old  countersign  ;  and  whilst 
the  Genius  of  Liberty,  at  this  close  of  the  century,  challenges  a  halt,  and  demands, 
"  Who  goes  there  ? "  may  it  be  in  every  American  heart  to  answer,  "  A  friend  !  " 

And  as  the  challenge  comes  back,  "  Advance,  friend,  and  give  the  countersign," 
may  the  nation  with  one  voice  answer,  "Lexington!"  and  hear  again  the  reply,  "The 
countersign  is  right  :  pass  on  !  " 

Pass  on  to  mightier  achievements  and  a  grander  destiny  than  Samuel  Adams  or 
John  Hancock  ever  dreamed  of  in  their  philosophy. 

FRANKFORT,  KY.,  Feb.  18,  1875. 

Gentlemen,  —  I  should  be  glad  to  be  with  you,  and  participate  in  the  proposed  cen 
tennial  celebration  of  the  battle  of  Lexington. 

The  hearts  of  all  true  Americans  are  ever  stirred  within  them  at  the  mention  of 
the  gallant  resistance  to  oppression  made  by  the  little  band  of  patriots  in  that  conflict. 

We  cannot  forget  that  there  was  sounded  the  tocsin  of  a  war  which  gave  liberty  and 
independence  to  a  continent,  and  whose  triumph  inaugurated  a  new  era  of  political 
freedom,  and  new  ideas  of  human  rights,  which  the  world  will  never  let  die. 

My  engagements  are  such,  however,  that  it  is  very  doubtful  whether  I  shall  be  able 
to  be  present. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

P.   H.  LESLIE,  Governor  of  Kentucky. 


HOW   LEXINGTON,   KY.,  GOT    HER  NAME. 

From  G.  W.  Ranck,  Esq.,  author  of  the  history  of  Lexington,  Ky. :  — 

In  the  year  1775,  a  Party  of  hunters  were  sent  out  from  the  fort  at  Harrodsburg, 
and  took  possession  of  the  north  side  of  the  Kentucky  River. 

Clothed  in  their  quaint  pioneer  style  of  buckskin  pantaloons,  deerskin  leggins, 
linsey  hunting-shirt,  and  peltry  cap,  and  armed  each  with  a  trusty  flint  lock  rifle,  a 
hatchet,  and  a  scalping-knife,  they  toiled  through  the  trackless  woods  and  almost 
impenetrable  cane-brakes,  in  the  direction  of  the  future  Lexington. 

On  or  about  the  5th  of  June,  the  approach  of  night  ended  one  of  their  solitary  and 
dangerous  marches ;  and,  glad  to  rest,  the  tired  hunters  camped  on  a  spot  afterwards 
known  successively  as  McConnell's  Station,  Royal's  Spring,  and  the  Headley  Distillery 
Property.  It  is  only  a  few  steps  from  the  present  "  Old  Frankfort  Road,"  and  is 
nearly  opposite  the  beautiful  Lexington  Cemetery.  The  spring  from  which  the  pio 
neers  drank  and  watered  their  horses  still  exists,  with  a  stream  as  cool,  clear,  and 
grateful  as  then.  After  posting  one  of  their  number  on  the  "  lookout "  for  the 
"red-skin  varmints,"  who  were  ever  on  the  alert  to  slay  the  pale-face,  the  rest  seated 
themselves  around  a  blazing  brush-heap,  on  logs  and  buffalo-hides,  and,  with  hunger 
for  sauce,  supped  with  gusto  upon  the  then  inevitable  "jerk  "  and  parched  corn. 

While  eating  their  simple  meal,  they  talked  with  enthusiasm  of  the  beautiful  coun 
try  they  had  just  travelled  over,  and,  surprised  and  delighted  with  the  prospect  about 


100  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

them,  they  determined  that  their  place  of  settlement  should  be  around  the  very  spot 
where  they  were  then  encamped. 

The  hunters  assisted  William  McConnell  to  build  a  rude  little  cabin  op  their  camp 
ing-ground,  as  the  foundation  for  a  title  ;  for  Virginia,  as  early  as  the  year  1774,  had 
offered  four  hundred  acres  of  land  to  each  person  who  cleared  a  piece  of  land,  built 
a  cabin,  and  raised  a  crop  of  Indian  corn.  The  name  of  the  settlement  that  was  to 
be  was  discussed  with  animation.  One  suggested  "  York,"  another  "  Lancaster ;"  but 
both  were  dropped  with  a  shout  for  "  Lexington,"  as  the  conversation  turned  to  the 
strange  news  that  had  slowly  crept  through  the  wilderness,  and  which,  after  it  had 
been  weeks  on  the  way,  they  had  just  heard  of;  how  "  King  George's  troops  on  the 
igth  of  April,  had  called  Americans  '  rebels,'  and  shot  them  clown  like  dogs  at  Lexing 
ton  in  Massachusetts  Colony."  The  story  of  Lexington's  christening — the  historic 
fact  of  how  she  got  her  name  —  is  as  romantic  as  the  legend  of  the  beautiful  Princess 
Pocahontas,  and  is  an  incident  far  more  interesting,  because  more  true,  than  the  fabu 
lous  one  told  of  the  founding  of  ancient  Rome. 

So  the  hunters  called  the  new  settlement  Lexington,  in  memory  of  that  bloody  field 
hundreds  of  miles  away  ;  and  some  of  them  soon  after  joined  the  Continental  army, 
and  fought  long  and  bravely  to  avenge  the  minute-men  who  fell  that  day. 

How  strange  the  story  of  that  pioneer  camp  !  Here,  almost  a  hundred  years  ago, 
when  Kentucky  was  a  wilderness  territory  of  the  royal  province  of  Virginia,  —  here, 
far  away  from  civilized  life,  in  the  heart  of  an  unbroken  forest,  at  the  dead  of  night, 
a  little  band  of  adventurers  erected  the  first  monument  ever  raised  on  this  continent 
in  honor  of  the  first  dead  of  the  Revolution.  It  is  true  the  ceremonies  of  its  dedica 
tion  were  not  attended  with  glittering  pomp  or  show;  for  the  officials  were  only  clad 
in  buckskin  and  honest  homespun,  and  the  music  of  their  choir  was  naught  but  the 
scream  of  the  panther,  or  the  far-off  yell  of  the  savage.  But  it  was  consecrated  by 
the  strictest  virtue  and  truest  patriotism,  and  Nature  smiled  benignantly  upon  it  from 
an  Eden  of  luxuriant  beauty. 

Gen.  Julius  White  of  Chicago,  after  accepting  the  invitation  of  the  Com 
mittee,  adds,  — 

And,  for  one,  I  feel  very  grateful  to  the  people  of  Lexington  for  the  proposed 
observance  of  the  day. 

While  the  "  Declaration  of  Independence  "  was  the  formal  announcement  of  the 
fact,  it  has  always  seemed  to  me  that  the  igth  of  April,  1775,  was  the  real  birthday  of 
the  nation,  and  Lexington  the  place  hallowed  by  the  event. 

Prof.  Edward  S.  Joynes  writes  from  Washington -Lee  College  :  — 

LEXINGTON,  VA.,  March,  1875. 

Gentlemen,  —  I  regret  that  I  am  compelled  to  decline  the  invitation  of  the  town  of 
Lexington,  Massachusetts,  to  attend  its  approaching  centennial  celebration  on  the 
igth  of  April. 

This  celebration  commemorates  one  of  the  great  events  of  our  history,  the  inaugu 
ration  of  an  epoch.  Writing  from  the  namesake  town  of  Lexington,  in  Virginia,  let 


LETTERS.  10 1 

me  hope  that  the  principles  then  and  there  asserted  may  be  found  sufficient  for  all 
time,  to  establish  and  maintain  a  just  and  equal  government  over  a  free  and  happy 
people,  over  all  this  wide  land ;  and  that  the  recollections  suggested  by  this  celebra 
tion  may  help  to  unite  the  whole  nation  in  a  renewed  and  common  patriotism,  as  the 
events  themselves,  in  1775,  helped  to  unite  the  people  of  all  the  colonies  in  a  common 
cause  for  liberty. 

Among  other  communications  from  Virginia,  is  the  following  from  General 
Smith,  President  of  the  Military  Institute  at  Lexington. 

VIRGINIA  MILITARY  INSTITUTE,  LEXINGTON,  VA.,  March  9,  1875. 

Gentlemen,  —  Your  very  courteous  communication  of  the  1 6th  ultimo,  inviting  me 
to  participate  in  the  one  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Lexington,  on  the 
igth  of  April,  1875,  as  the  guest  of  the  town,  has  been  duly  received. 

It  would  afford  me  great  pleasure  to  unite  with  you  in  this  celebration  of  the  great 
national  event  thus  proposed  to  be  commemorated  ;  but  my  public  duties  here  con 
strain  me  respectfully  to  decline  the  invitation. 

I  am  a  resident  in  the  town  of  Lexington,  Va.  Lexington  was  first  organized  as  a 
county  town,  by  Act  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia,  in  October,  1777,  being 
the  second  year  of  the  Commonwealth.  By  the  same  act,  the  name  of  the  county  of 
Dunmore  was  changed  to  Shenandoah ;  leaving  clearly  the  conclusion,  that  the  patriotic 
spirit  which  animated  the  first  legislature  was  to  honor  the  event  which  on  the  igth 
of  April,  1775,  opened  the  American  Revolution.  Besides,  Lexington  became  the 
county  town  of  the  new  county  of  Rockbridge,  formed  out  of  the  large  district  of 
West  Augusta;  and  West  Augusta  embraced  those  ranges  of  mountain  fastnesses, 
well  known  to  the  Father  of  his  Country,  and  which  he  had,  with  the  eye  of  the  sol 
dier,  designated  as  the  last  retreat  of  his  patriot  army,  should  he  be  driven  by  weight 
of  numbers  from  the  seaboard,  and  where  he  could  make  a  sure  defence  against  the 
enemies  of  his  country. 

These  historic  incidents  make  it  eminently  proper  that  Lexington,  Va.,  and  West 
Augusta,  should  be  represented  in  the  centennial  celebration  of  the  battle  of  Lexing 
ton  in  Massachusetts ;  and  nothing  but  over-ruling  circumstances  deprives  me  of  the 
pleasure  of  being  with  you  on  the  occasion. 

The  Constitution  of  Virginia,  unanimously  adopted  June  29,  1776,  under  which 
Constitution  the  above-recited  acts  were  passed  by  the  legislature  of  Virginia,  in  its 
preamble  recites  the  various  acts  of  misrule  and  oppression  which  led  the  good  peo 
ple  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia  to  declare  that "  the  government  of  this  country, 
as  formerly  exercised  under  the  crown  of  Great  Britain,  is  totally  dissolved.'' 

Among  these  acts  of  misrule  are  the  following*  :  — 

"  By  dissolving  legislative  assemblies  repeatedly  and  continually,  for  opposing,  with 
manly  firmness,  his  invasion  of  the  rights  of  the  people. 

"  By  keeping  among  us,  in  time  of  peace,  standing  armies  and  ships  of  war. 

*  Herring's  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  ix.,  pp.  112,  113. 


102  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

"By  affecting  to  render  the  military  independent  of,  and  superior  to,  the  civil 
power. 

"  For  depriving  us  of  the  benefits  of  trial  by  jury. 

"  For  suspending  our  own  legislatures,  and  declaring  themselves  invested  with  power 
to  legislate  for  us  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 

"  By  prompting  our  negroes  to  rise  in  arms  among  us,  —  those  very  negroes  whom, 
by  an  inhuman  use  of  his  negative,  he  hath  refused  us  permission  to  exclude  by  law." 

When  it  is  remembered  that  these  acts  of  misrule  were  recited  in  almost  the  same 
terms,  in  the  Declaration  of  American  Independence,  July  4,  1776,  you  may  well 
understand  why  it  is  that  Virginians  would  gladly  unite  in  a  celebration  commemora 
tive  of  principles  so  dear  to  our  forefathers,  and  which  now,  as  then,  constitute  the 
true  basis  of  civil  liberty. 

In  the  hope  that  your  commemoration  nny  tend  to  revive  and  perpetuate  these 
sacred  principles,  and  with  my  respectful  acknowledgments  for  die  courtesy  extended 
to  me, 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  your  obedient  servant, 

FRANCIS  H.  SMITH. 

From  the  governor  of  Michigan  :  — 

STATE  OF  MICHIGAN,  EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT, 
LANSING,  March  4,  1875. 

Gentlemen, —  .  .  .  The  active  life  that  so  completely  engrosses  the  time  and 
thought  of  every  American  has  almost  obliterated  the  memory  of  the  past,  and 
caused  us  to  forget  that  we  have  a  history.  I  am  glad  that  the  centennial  anniver 
sary  of  the'  nation's  birth  is  so  near,  that  it  may  renew  and  strengthen  the  love  of 
country,  and  rekindle  the  fire  of  patriotism,  that  has  so  long  smouldered  amid  the 
ashes  of  money-gathering.  It  is  well  for  the  country  that  we  are  to  be  carried  back 
to  the  "  old  times  "  of  the  fathers.  .  .  . 

Thanking  you  for  your  remembrance,  I  am  very  truly  yours, 

JOHN  D.  BAGLEY. 

The  following  telegram  arrived  in  the  evening  :  — 

POTTSVILLE,  PENN.,  April  19,  1875. 

Mayor  of  Lexington,  Afdss.,  —  First  defenders  1861  send  greetings  and  congratula 
tions  to  descendants  of  first  defenders  1775. 

JAS.  WREN,  President. 

The  Mayor  of  New  Lexington,  O.,  writes  :  — 

.  .  .  Rest  assured  that  the  fire  of  patriotism  still  burns  in  the  hearts  of  the  people 
of  New  Lexington,  and  that  the  memory  of  Lexington  (after  which  New  Lexington 
got  its  name),  where  the  first  hallowed  blood  was  shed,  and  where  the  first  martyrs 


LETTERS.  103 

fell  in  their  resistance  to  the  tyrannical  demands  and  aggressions  of  the  British,  which 
culminated  in  the  seven-years'  war  of  the  Revolution,  and  which  gained  for  us  the 
glorious  independence  of  the  American  nation,  will  long  be  remembered  in  their 
hearts,  as  something  too  sacred  to  be  lightly  set  aside. 

In  common  with  all  good  people,  we  feel  that  we  owe  a  debt  of  gratitude  to  the 
brave  men  who  laid  the  foundation  of  American  independence  by  offering  their 
bodies  a  sacrifice  on  the  nation's  altar  at  the  battle  of  Lexington.  .  .  . 

Thanking  you  for  your  kind  invitation,  permit  me  to  hope  that  the  future  history  of 
"  Old  Lexington  "  may  be  even  more  glorious  than  its  past,  and  that  the  peace,  happi 
ness,  and  prosperity  of  her  children  may  continue  to  the  end. 

Very  respectfully, 

GEORGE  A.  GRANGER,  Mayor. 

COMMANDANT'S  OFFICE,  UNITED  STATES  NAVY  YARD, 
PHILADELPHIA,  March  13,  1875. 

Gentlemen, —  I  regret  exceedingly  that  official  duties  will  prevent  my  uniting  with 
you  in  the  interesting  celebration  to  which  you  invite  me.  I  shall  participate  with 
you  in  spirit ;  and  would,  if  it  were  allowable,  honor  the  occasion,  as  it  should  be 
remembered  all  over  the  country,  with  a  national  salute  from  the  guns  of  this  Navy 
Yard.  .  .  . 

As  a  contribution  to  the  history  of  the  event,  I  send  you  the  following  extract  from 
the  diary  of  my  grandfather  Brig.-Gen.  Jedicliah  Preble,  written  in  Boston,  under 
date  of  Wednesday,  Aug.  9,  1775.  "Overcast.  This  morning  met  with  a  man 
that  deserted  from  the  regulars  this  day  fortnight  (July  27),  as  sensible  and  intelligent 
a  fellow  as  ever  I  met  with. 

"  He  was  at  Lexington  fight.  He  says  he  came  out  with  Lord  Percy,  and  that  he 
asked  a  young  fellow  of  his  acquaintance  who  fired  first. 

"The  soldiers,  when  they  came  where  the  provincials  were,  one  of  them  flasht  his 
piece,  on  which  a  regular  officer  fired,  and  swung  his  gun  over  his  head  ;  and  then  there 
was  a  general  fire.  They  had  75  killed,  233  wounded.  He  was  also  at  Bunker  Hill, 
where  there  was  killed  and  died  of  their  wounds  700,  and  357  wounded  that  recov 
ered.  He  took  the  account  from  Gen.  Robinson." 
I  have  the  honor  to  be 

Very  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

GEORGE  HENRY  PREBLE,  Commodore  U.S.N. 

Senator  Bayard  of  Delaware  writes,  — 

WILMINGTON,  DEL.,  April  12,  1875. 

...  If  it  were  in  my  power,  I  should  have  had  great  pleasure  in  assisting  in  the 
commemoration  of  the  brave  deeds  of  the  hardy  patriots  of  1775.  .  .  .  Prolonged 
official  duties  in  the  Senate  have  been  followed  by  an  accumulation  of  my  private 
obligations  here  which  will  compel  my  absence  from  the  interesting  celebration  ;  which 
in  every  sense,  and  for  every  reason  dear  to  American  hearts,  I  hope  may  be  thoroughly 
successful. 


104  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

The  righteousness  of  resistance  to  unlawful  authority  is  a  lesson  that  cannot  be 
too  constantly  instilled  into  the  hearts  and  minds  of  our  people,  or  too  frequently 
held  up  for  their  admiration  and  respect.  .  .  . 

I  am  very  respectfully  your  fellow-citizen, 

T.  F.  BAYARD. 

The  following  from  Mr.  Lossing,  the  well-known  writer  of  American  His 
tory,  shows  the  difficulty  which  our  guests  experienced  from  the  unprece 
dented  crowd  that  blocked  all  our  thoroughfares  throughout  the  day  and 
evening  :  — 

THE  RIDGE,  DOVER  PLAINS,  N.Y.,  April  25,  1875. 

My  Dear  Sir, —  ...  I  hope  you  will  not  think  me  churlish  in  hesitating  to  put 
my  original  sketch  of  Jonathan  Harrington  in  the  relic-room  of  the  town-hall  among 
the  precious  things  which  you  had  collected  there.  The  Secretary  of  War  had 
expressed  a  desire  to  see  it,  and  have  it  copied  in  life  size,  in  oil,  for  the  War  Depart 
ment ;  and  I  did  not  know  just  when  I  should  have  an  opportunity  to  see  him. 

...  I  viewed  your  collection  of  relics  with  great  interest.  My  old  friend  Dr. 
Prime  had  the  Pitcairn  pistols  to  show  at  the  dinner-table  after  the  arrival  of  the 
president.  ...  I  never  saw  so  orderly  a  great  crowd.  I  think  the  committee  have 
reason  to  be  proud  not  only  for  the  perfection  of  the  preparations,  but  also  for  the 
performances.  I  feel  grateful  for  the  kind  hospitality  extended  to  me. 

My  retreat  from  Lexington  was  almost  as  tedious  as  that  of  the  British  a  hundred 
years  ago.  I  started  before  five  o'clock,  but  did  not  get  into  Boston  until  about 
eleven,  P.M.  .  .  . 

Most  truly  your  friend  and  fellow-citizen, 

BENSON  J.  LOSSING. 

The  Rev.  H.  W.  Bellows,  D.D.,  of  New  York,  made  every  exertion  to  be 
present ;  but,  like  thousands  of  others,  he  could  not  get  any  nearer  than  Bos 
ton.  In  his  letter  of  April  26,  he  says,  — 

...  I  regret  my  loss  of  the  fine  occasion,  but  not  at  all  my  escape  from  a  speech. 
...  I  was  so  guileless  as  not  to  have  anticipated  the  least  difficulty  in  getting  from 
Boston  to  Lexington.  Otherwise  I  should  have  been  on  the  ground  the  day  before, 
my  interest  was  so  genuine.  I  staid  at  home  to  preach  on  Lexington  and  Concord, 
in  my  own  pulpit,  April  18. 

I  think  those  of  us  who  were  baffled  in  getting  to  Lexington  and  Concord  have  a 
great  consolation  in  remembering,  that  it  was  the  unexpected  zeal  of  the  people  to 
show  their  honor  of  the  place  and  the  day,  that  crowded  us  out  I  had  my  pay  in  the 
sight  of  the  eager  crowds  about  the  depots  at  Boston.  They  satisfied  me  that  the 
old  spirit  had  not  perished  under  the  weight  of  a  hundred  years;  and  that  was  enough 
to  reward  me  for  a  long  journey  back  and  forth. 


LETTERS.  105 

The  following  is  taken  from  the  letter  of  Gen.  Dix,  dated  New  York, 
March  29,  1875  :  — 

...  I  know  of  no  occasion  more  deserving  to  be  honored  and  commemorated  than 
the  conflict  at  Lexington,  the  first  step  in  that  long  and  sanguinary  contest  which  led 
to  consequences  so  momentous  to  the  destinies  of  this  continent,  and  which  may 
prove  equally  so  to  the  interests  of  the  popular  masses  in  other  quarters  of  the  globe. 

If  we  are  true  to  the  principles  of  those  who  on  your  memorable  field  struck  the 
first  blow  for  the  maintenance  of  political  right  and  in  vindication  of  the  cause  of 
self-government,  I  see  no  reason  why,  at  the  end  of  another  period  of  a  hundred 
years,  your  descendants  may  not  celebrate  as  gratefully  the  event  which  has  given 
your  town  an  undying  name,  and  thank  God  that  the  civil  institutions  formed  by  their 
forefathers  have  survived  all  dangers  from  within  and  without,  and  stand  unshaken  on 
the  ancient  foundations.  That  Providence  may  so  guide  and  protect  us  as  to  insure 
this  grand  result,  is  the  fervent  prayer  of 

Your  friend  and  fellow-citizen, 

JOHN  A.   Dix. 

The  following  letter  is  from  the  venerable  founder  of  the  Cooper  Institute 
and  other  noble  charities  in  the  city  of  New  York  :  — 

No.  9,  LEXINGTON  AVENUE,  NEW  YORK,  April  8,  1875. 

Gentlemen,  —  ...  I  find  that,  in  my  desire  to  take  part  in  this  commemoration,  I 
have  allowed  the  proper  clay  for  reply  to  pass  by  ;  but,  as  I  find  it  impossible  to 
attend,  I  trust  that  this  seeming  breach  of  courtesy  will  be  overlooked. 

Be  so  good  as  to  accept  my  sincere  thanks  for  remembering  me  among  the  number 
of  those  whose  memory  goes  back  to  the  early  days  of  the  Republic,  when  the  trials 
and  achievements  of  our  Revolutionary  fathers  were  fresh  in  the  hearts  of  the  people. 
You  do  well  to  revive  these  memories  by  the  proposed  commemoration  ;  and  it  will  be 
well  for  the  country  if,  with  this  celebration,  you  can  revive  the  patriotism  which 
animated  the  heroes  who  fought  and  bled  and  died  at  Concord  and  Lexington. 

We  need  the  old  Revolutionary  spirit  to  purify  our  politics  and  the  administration 
of  public  affairs  ;  and  I  rejoice  exceedingly  that  now,  in  my  eighty-fifth  year,  I  see 
unmistakable  indications  of  a  general  preference  for  principle  to  policy,  and  public 
virtue  to  personal  interests. 

That  our  beloved  country  may  prosper  and  progress  in  all  that  is  noble,  so  as  to  be 
worthy  of  the  men  who  secured  its  independence,  is  the  fervent  wish  of 

Your  obedient  servant, 

PETER  COOPER. 

Commodore  Fairfax,  Commandant  at  the  New  London  Navy  Yard,  had 
accepted  the  invitation  of  the  committee;  but  as  the  day  approached  he  found 
his  attendance  would  be  impossible,  and  wrote  as  follows,  under  date  of  April 
1 6,  1875  :  — 

M 


106  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

I  regret  that  I  am  unable  to  be  present  on  the  occasion.  My  early  training  at 
"Uncle  Charley  Green's"  on  Jamaica  Plain,  together  with  my  professional  education, 
has  divested  my  mind  of  any  sectional  prejudices ;  and  I  can  with  sincerity  say  that  I 
love  the  "  Old  Bay  State  "  as  much  as  I  love  my  own  native  South  ;•  and  on  this  mem 
orable  occasion,  will  be  with  you  in  spirit,  praying  that  each  and  every  centennial 
celebration  may  tend  to  cement  the  bonds  of  union  stronger  and  stronger,  as  each  year 
rolls  round,  and  all  sectional  feel  ing 'forever  be  lost  sight  of  in  the  prosperity  and 
growth  of  the  whole  country. 

Very  respectfully,  &c., 

D.  McN.  FAIRFAX,   U.S.N. 

BOSTON,  Feb.  24,  1875. 

Gentlemen,  —  ...  My  ancestor  Nathaniel  Lawrence  was  a  resident  of  Lexington  ; 
and  my  grandfather  was  one  of  the  Groton  company,  which  pursued  the  enemy 
towards  Cambridge;  while  my  grandmother  (Susanna »Parker)  was  living  on  the 
main  road,  over  the  Concord  line,  and  saw  the  advancing  column  from  the  hill  behind 
her  father's  house.  From  her  we  have  heard  the  account  of  the  steady  advance,  the 
gleaming  of  the  muskets,  the  clear  voices  of  the  British  officers,  and  of  their  retreat 
some  hours  later  with  the  minute-men  in  pursuit,  the  finding  of  a  dead  "  regular  " 
near  their  front  gate,  &c.  May  we  never  forget  the  day,  nor  the  virtues  of  those  who 
made  it  celebrated  ! 

Very  truly  yours, 

AMOS  A.  LAWRENCE. 

Col.  T.  W.  Higginson  writes  from  Newport,  April  24,  1875, — 

"  You  were  far  too  busy  on  the  igth  to  miss  anybody ;  but  let  me  say,  to  set  myself 
right,  that  I  spent  almost  the  whole  clay  in  getting  out  and  back,  and  could  not  even 
report  at  the  tent." 

The  committee  had  requested  Col.  Higginson  to  respond  to  a  toast  upon 
the  History  of  our  Country  for  Young  Readers. 

William  Lloyd  Garrison,  after  regretting  his  inability  to  be  present, 
writes  :  — 

A  large  inheritance  was  won  for  us  who  are r now  living  to  enjoy  it,  by  those  who, 
a  century  ago,  counted  not  their  lives  dear  unto  them  in  resisting  the  tyranny  of  the 
mother  country,  and  leading  the  way  to  American  independence. 

Grateful  for  all  that  has  been  gained,  and  giving  full  credit  to  whom  it  is  due,  let 
us  endeavor  to  make  our  country  more  true  to  the  cause  of  freedom  and  equal  rights 
than  it  has  hitherto  been,  that  all  nations  may  be  powerfully  influenced  by  its 
example. 


LETTERS.  107 

The  following  is  from  a  direct  descendant  of  one  of  the  Lexington  minute- 
men:  — 

BOSTON,  Feb.  27,  1875. 

Gentlemen,  —  ...  I  can  never  visit  the  spot  without  stopping  before  that  modest 
column  which  marks  the  distinguished  ground  where  the  first  blood  was  spilled  to 
secure  American  rights  and  American  freedom  ;  to  read  and  ponder  the  comprehen 
sive,  terse,  and  purely  patriotic  sentences  its  tablet  contains,  prepared  by  one  whose 
very  soul  seemed,  as  he  wrote,  to  have  been  full  of  righteous  indignation  for  the 
wrongs  the  hand  of  tyranny  was  inflicting. 

Has  enough   been  said  and  done  in  honor  of  "  Parson  Clark,"  whose  words  an 
spirit  are  seen,  unmistakably,  pervading  all  the  early  efforts   and  movements  of  the 
Revolutionary  struggle  ? 

He  deservedly  stood  beside  men  of  world-wide  renown  ;  but  they  came  to  him,  and 
both  felt  and  enjoyed  his  influence.  He  was  a  power  they  found  true,  strong,  and 
sympathetic,  —  a  fountain  from  which  they  could  and  did  draw,  as  the  stern  demands 
of  trial  pressed  upon  their  noble  spirits. 

Such  men  as  he  was  gave  tone  and  nerve  to  all  around  them,  in  that  eventful  period, 
in  the  securing  of  the  blessings  of  liberty  for  all  the  ages  and  countries  of  the  world 
Let  the  recollection  of  such  never  grow  dim. 

Wishing  you  desired  success,  I  remain 

Yours  truly, 

FRANCIS  BROWN. 

While  this  volume  was  in  press,  the  following  letter  was  received  from  his 
Grace  the  Duke  of  Northumberland,  a  descendant  of  Lord  Percy,  who  com 
manded  the  British  re-enforcements  in  Lexington. 

The  distinguished  writer  expresses,  doubtless,  the  natural  feeling  of  intelli 
gent  Englishmen,  with  regard  to  the  events  of  the  igth  of  April. 

ALBURY  PARK,  GUILDFORD,  gth  July,  1875. 

Sir,  —  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  yth  May, 
and  of  the  interesting  documents  accompanying  it. 

I  regret  that  I  have  been  unable  to  find  such  a  likeness  as  you  seek  of  the  relative 
for  whose  memory  you  express  a  respect  which  deserves  my  best  thanks  ;  no  portrait 
existing  of  him  of  the  date  of  his  service  in  America. 

That  none  of  his  descendants  may  ever  be  called  on  to  display  the  qualities  which 
distinguished  him  in  such  a  field  as  that  of  Lexington,  the  fratricidal  memories  ol 
which  I  cannot  but  think  it  unwise  to  perpetuate,  is  the  very  sincere  desire  and 
hope  of,  . 

Sir, 

Your  very  obedient  servant, 

NORTHUM  BERL  AND. 


I08  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

The  limited  space  of  this  volume  forbids  the  publication  of  other  cordial 
and  interesting  letters  from  well-known  gentlemen,  among  whom  we  may 
name,  Gen.  Armstrong  of  Hampton,  Va.,  the  Hon.  James  G.  Elaine,  the  Rev. 
Phillips  Brooks,  Henry  Armitt  Brown,  Esq.,  of  Philadelphia,  Ex-Gov.  Bullock, 
William  Cullen  Bryant,  Commodore  Bryson,  Judge  Clifford  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  the  Hon.  John  H.  Clifford  of  New  Bedford,  Capt.  William  A.  Courte- 
nay  of  Charleston,  S.C.,  Prof.  Schele  De  Vere  of  the  University  of  Virginia, 
Pres.  Eliot  of  Cambridge,  Judge  Force  of  Cincinnati,  Gen.  Garfield  of  Ohio, 
Gov.  Garland  of  Arkansas,  Gov.  Grover  of  Oregon,  Judge  Hoar  of  Concord, 
Oliver  Wendell  Holmes,  Dr.  Holland  of  New  York,  Henry  W.  Longfellow, 
the  Hon.  Horace  Maynard  of  Tennessee,  Pres.  McCosh  of  Princeton,  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Palmer  of  New  Orleans,  Admiral  Porter,  Gov.  Porter  of  Tennessee, 
Pres.  Porter  of  Yale  College,  the  Hon.  Josiah  Quincy,  Samuel  B.  Ruggles, 
Esq.,  of  New  York,  the  Rev.  R.  S.  Storrs,  D.D.,  of  Brooklyn,  the  Hon.  C.  C. 
Washburn  of  Wisconsin,  the  Hon.  John  W.  Wallace,  President  of  the  Penn 
sylvania  Historical  Society,  and  Ex-Pres.  Woolsey  of  Yale  College. 


GENERAL  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  DAY. 


GENERAL  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  DAY. 


THE  people  of  Lexington,  anticipating  the  general  interest  that  would  be 
felt  in  the  centennial  celebration  of  the  opening  scene  of  the  American  Revo 
lution,  took  official  measures  at  an  early  day,  to  prepare  for  the  great  occasion. 

In  November,  1873,  a  committee,  instructed  by  the  town,  addressed  a  note 
to  the  selectmen  of  Concord,  inviting  that  town  to  unite  with  Lexington  in 
the  proposed  celebration,  as  Lexington  had  united  with  Concord  in  1850,  on 
the  occasion  of  the  seventy-fifth  anniversary  of  the  battle.  A  similar  invita 
tion  was  extended  to  several  other  neighboring  towns. 

The  authorities  of  Concord  replied,  that,  as  it  was  proposed  to  erect  a  statue 
of  a  minute-man  near  the  site  of  the  Old  North  Bridge,  the  ceremonies 
attending  the  dedication  would  prevent  their  joining  in  the  celebration  at 
Lexington. 

Subsequently  a  joint  committee  was  appointed  by  both  towns  to  consider 
the  expediency  of  so  dividing  the  exercises  of  the  day,  that  those  in  one  town 
should  not  conflict  with  those  in  the  other. 

The  committee  considered  the  plan  of  giving  the  morning  exclusively  to 
Lexington,  and  the  afternoon  to  Concord. 

This  plan  was  fully  discussed,  and  not  abandoned  until  it  became  apparent 
to  many  that  a  joint  celebration  was  impracticable. 

The  result  has  shown  the  wisdom  of  the  decision.  Neither  town  alone 
could  have  entertained  the  vast  numbers  that  poured  into  Middlesex  County 
that  day;  nor  would  it  have  been  possible  to  convey  a  tenth  part  of  the  people 
from  one  town  to  the  other,  during  the  brief  interval  at  noon. 

Consequently  each  town  proceeded  to  arrange  a  separate  programme. 

At  a  town-meeting,  held  July  11,  1874,  the  following  gentlemen  were  ap 
pointed  as  the  Lexington  Executive  Committee,  with  full  power  to  make  all 
the  arrangements  for  the  celebration  :  — 

LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL    COMMITTEE. 

Charles  Hudson,  M.  H.  Merriam,  W.  H.  Munroe,  W.  A.  Tower,  G.  E.  Muz- 
zey,  B.  C.  Whitcher,  L.  S.  Peirce,  G.  O.  Smith,  Webster  Smith,  E.  G.  Porter, 


I  I  2  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

E.  S.  Elder.  Alonzo  Goddard,  C.  C.  Goodwin,  Benjamin  Hadley,  G.  D.  Har 
rington,  H.  Holmes,  T.  G.  Hovey,  Patrick  Mitchell,  C.  M.  Parker,  N.  W. 
Peirce,  Levi  Prosser,  John  Pryor,  Hammon  Reed,  R.  W.  Reed,  A.  B.  Smith, 
C.  A.  Wellington,  Walter  Wellington,  Henry  Westcott,  F.  E.  Wetherell. 
Chairman,  Charles  Hudson.  Secretary,  F.  E.  Wetherell. 

A  few  names  were  afterwards  added ;  and  the  principal  sub-committees 
were  constituted  as  follows  :  — 

SUB-COMMITTEES. 

Invitation.  —  Charles  Hudson,  M.  H.  Merriam,  W.  H.  Munroe. 

Orator  and  Addresses.  —  W.  A.  Tower,  Hammon  Reed,  E.  G.  Porter,  R.  W. 
Reed,  Charles  Hudson. 

Finance.  —  Hammon  Reed^R.  W.  Reed,  F.  F.  Raymond,  Levi  Prosser,  W. 
Wellington,  G.  W.  Robinson,  H.  B.  Brigham. 

Transportation.  —  M.  H.  Merriam,  Alonzo  Goddard,  L.  S.  Peirce,  Webster 
Smith,  Asa  Cottrell,  Jeremiah  Prescott. 

Order  of  Exercises.  —  E.  G.  Porter,  John  Pryor,  E.  S.  Elder,  A.  E.  Scott, 
Warren  Duren. 

Salute.  —  C.  M.  Parker,  N.  W.  Peirce,  A.  B.  Smith,  L.  G.  Babcock,  G.  H. 
Cutter. 

Music.  —  C.  C.  Goodwin,  Benjamin  Hadley,  Henry  Westcott,  L.  J.  Wing, 
E.  P.  Rich. 

Tent  and  Decorations.  —  G.  E.  Muzzey,  C.  A.  Wellington,  G.  O.  Smith,  F. 
E.  Wetherell,  J.  L.  Norris. 

Dinner.  —  B.  C.  Whitcher,  G.  E.  Muzzey,  B.  T.  Batcheller,  P.  Mitchell,  C. 
M.  Parker,  G.  H.  Cutter. 

Procession.  —  T.  G.  Hovey,  A.  B.  Smith,  G.  D.  Harrington,  J.  J.  Raynor, 
L.  E.  Crone. 

Printing.  —  H.  Holmes,  G.  O.  Smith,  F.  E.  Wetherell. 

Evening  Entertainment.  —  C.  C.  Goodwin,  G.  O.  Davis,  G.  O.  Smith,  F.  V. 
Butters,  A.  E.  Scott,  L.  W.  Muzzey. 

Statues.  —  C.  Hudson,  E.  G.  Porter,  H.  Reed. 

Press.  —  F.  E.  Wetherell,  H.  Reed,  G.  E.  Muzzey. 

Reception.  —  A.  Cottrell,  E.  S.  Elder,  C.  C.  Goodwin,  C.  Hudson,  M.  H. 
Merriam,  W.  H.  Munroe,  E.  G.  Porter,  J.  J.  Raynor. 

Also  John  Cummings  of  Woburn,  S.  B.  Rindge  of  Cambridge,  D.  N.  Skill- 
ings  of  Winchester,  J.  N.  Buffum  of  Lynn,  E.  W.  Kingsley  of  Boston,  W.  E. 
Parmenter  of  Arlington,  S.  O.  Upham  of  Waltham,  Charles  Robinson,  jun., 
of  Newton,  and  Charles  Fairchild  of  Boston. 

The  meetings  of  the  committee  were  held  regularly  at  the  town-hall 
throughout  the  winter.  All  questions  relating  to  the  observance  of  the  day 


GENERAL    DESCRIPTION.  113 

were  fully  and  freely  discussed.  The  interest  increased  as  the  time  ap 
proached,  many  of  the  members  willingly  sacrificing  their  private  business  to 
insure  the  success  of  the  celebration. 

The  following  appointments  were  made  for  the  public  exercises  of  the 
day  :  — 

THOMAS  MERIAM  STETSON,  Esq.,  of  New  Bedford,  President  of  the  Day. 

Hon.  RICHARD  H.  DANA,  jun.,  of  Cambridge,  Orator. 

Hon.  CHARLES  HUDSON  of  Lexington,  to  deliver  the  address  on  the  unveil 
ing  of  the  statues  of  Hancock  and  Adams. 

Rev.  HENRY  WESTCOTT  of  Lexington,  Chaplain  for  the  Morning  Exercises. 

Rev.  EDWARD  G.  PORTER  of  Lexington,  Chaplain  for  the  Dinner. 

WILLIAM  A.  TOWER,  Esq.,  of  Lexington,  Chief  Marshal. 

The  day  was  ushered  in  by  a  salute  of  a  hundred  guns,  fired  at  sunrise  from 
Prosser's  Hill,  near  Wahham  Street,  by  the  right  platoon  of  Battery  C, 
Lieut.  Boyd. 

All  night  the  roads  leading  into  Lexington  had  resounded  with  the  rattle  of 
vehicles  of  every  description,  empty  carriages  for  the  guests,  trains  of  artillery, 
express-wagons,  and  carts  loaded  with  provisions  and  camp  equipage. 

The  sun  rose  in  a  clear  sky,  and  the  air  was  sharp  and  bracing. 

The  frost  had  left  the  ground,  and  the  roads  were  well  settled,  and  in  fine 
condition  for  travel. 

At  an  early  hour  crowds  of  people  began  to  pour  in  from  the  neighboring 
towns  in  barges,  furniture-wagons,  omnibuses,  and  coaches,  eager  to  be  on  the 
ground  in  season  to  witness  the  grand  display  which  every  one  felt  the  day 
was  sure  to  bring. 

Business  was  very  generally  suspended  in  Boston  and  throughout  this  sec 
tion  of  the  State,  so  that  every  possible  conveyance,  public  and  private,  was  in 
demand.  So  dense  was  the  crowd  in  Lexington,  that  our  streets  were  soon 
blocked  in  every  direction,  so  that  carriages  could  not  pass  ;  and  many  who 
started  to  visit  both  Lexington  and  Concord  found  it  impossible  to  proceed, 
and,  after  approaching  within  a  mile  or  two  of  our  common,  gave  up  the 
attempt,  and  turned  back.  Others  abandoned  their  carriages  to  their  drivers, 
and  forced  their  way  through  on  foot.  Some  gentlemen,  and  even  ladies, 
walked  the  distance  of  six  or  eight  miles  from  the  neighboring  towns  to  wit 
ness  the  grand  pageant.  It  is  estimated  by  those  best  qualified  to  judge,  that 
there  were  in  Lexington  during  the  day  at  least  one  hundred  thousand  peo 
ple.  This  opinion  is  fortified  by  the  fact,  that  the  authorities  of  several  of  the 
towns  state  the  probable  number  that  they  sent ;  by  which  it  would  appear 
that  one-half  of  their  entire  population  was  in  Lexington  that  day.  Woburn 
reports  four  thousand  ;  Waltham,  three  thousand  ;  and  towns  of  ten  or  twelve 

'5 


114  LEXINGTON   CENTENNIAL. 

hundred  inhabitants,  situated  twelve  or  fifteen  miles  distant,  estimate  their 
numbers  at  from  three  to  five  hundred.  The  city  of  Boston  and  its  environs 
turned  out  an  immense  number,  while  many  distant  places  were  largely  repre 
sented.  The  railroad  was  perfectly  overwhelmed.  Thousands  were  pressing 
at  the  station  in  Boston  during  the  day,  who  not  only  failed  to  obtain  a  pas 
sage,  but  were  unable  to  reach  even  the  ticket-office  ;  and  the  trains  which 
were  sent  out,  loaded  to  their  utmost  capacity  outside  and  in,  made  no  appre 
ciable  diminution  in  the  crowd  at  the  station.  Many  persons,  and  among 
them  invited  guests,  came  as  far  as  Boston,  and,  finding  it  impossible  to  get 
to  Lexington,  returned  to  their  homes,  or  remained  in  the  city.  Nor  could  they 
find  relief  to  any  extent  by  private  conveyance  ;  for  hacks,  omnibuses,  and 
conveyances  of  almost  every  description,  were  put  in  requisition  at  an  early 
hour.  Many  left  Boston  by  the  horse-cars  (which  conveyed  them  about  half  of 
the  distance),  and  walked  the  rest  of  the  way,  or  became  discouraged,  and 
turned  back. 

It  was  also  an  observable  fact,  that  those  who  were  left  at  the  station  in 
Boston  were,  to  a  great  extent,  the  intelligent  and  substantial  part  of  the 
community.  The  young  and  ardent  would  naturally  be  the  most  likely  to 
force  their  way  through  the  crowd,  leaving  the  older  and  more  sedate  behind. 
Though  the  day  was  unusually  cold  for  the  season,  the  thermometer  ranging 
from  twenty-two  to  twenty-six  degrees  above  zero,  the  number  who  visited 
Lexington  would  have  been  very  largely  increased,  if  transportation  could 
have  been  procured. 

It  is  due  to  our  own  committee,  as  well  as  the  railroad  officials,  to  say  that 
the  deviations  from  our  published  schedule  were  owing  to  the  unprecedented 
and  wholly  unexpected  throng  of  people,  which  completely  blocked  the  rail 
road  and  all  the  highways  leading  to  Lexington. 

The  general  programme,  the  order  of  the  procession,  and  the  arrangements 
for  the  exercises,  were  as  complete  as  possible;  and  the  procession,  though 
somewhat  delayed  by  the  late  arrival  of  certain  organizations  and  many 
prominent  guests,  moved  in  good  order  over  the  designated  .route,  and  pre 
sented  a  magnificent  appearance.  The  truth  is,  the  celebration  proved  more 
attractive  than  the  most  sanguine  had  anticipated.  The  call  to  observe  the 
first  centennial  of  the  nation's  battles  had  aroused  the  public  heart,  and  pro 
duced  such  a  liberal  gathering  of  the  people  from  near  and  from  far,  such 
a  ground- swell  of  patriotism,  as  had  never  been  seen  in  any  village  in  America 
before. 

.  And  when  it  is  considered  that  a  small  suburban  town  of  twenty-five  hun 
dred  inhabitants  is  suddenly  flooded  with  a  hundred  thousand  visitors,  —  forty 
times  the  population  of  the  place,  —  any  delay  or  temporary  inconvenience  is 
what  might  naturally  be  expected.  Indeed,  it  has  been  a  matter  of  very  gen 
eral  congratulation,  even  among  those  who  were  themselves  put  to  the  greatest 


THE    DECORA  TIONS.  I  I  5 

inconvenience,  that  so  much  of  genuine  and  varied  interest  was  actually 
accomplished  under  such  overwhelming  difficulties.  The  very  multitude 
which  occasioned  some  annoyance  and  regret  at  the  time,  we  now,  from  a 
broad  survey,  contemplate  with  satisfaction  and  even  with  pride  ;  for  we  can 
not  but  regard  this  immense  gathering  as  a  patriotic  rising  of  the  people  in 
attestation  of  the  old  Anglo-American  doctrine  of  human  rights.  Our  fathers, 
a  century  ago,  rallied  in  defence  of  their  country  ;  but  it  was  feared  that  a 
long  period  of  peace  and  prosperity  had  so  far  obliterated  that  devotion,  that 
the  people  viewed  with  comparative  indifference  the  deeds  of  our  fathers,  and 
lightly  esteemed  the  inheritance  which  had  come  down  to  us.  But  this  awak 
ening  of  the  people  of  all  ages  and  callings,  this  promiscuous  gathering  to 
commemorate  the  noble  deeds  of  the  men  of  the  Revolution,  shows  that  the 
spirit  of  our  ancestors  is  still  alive  in  their  descendants,  and,  when  a  crisis 
requires  it,  they  will  be  found  worthy  of  their  sires. 

There  was  nothing  but  the  historic  interest  in  Lexington  to  bring  such  a 
crowd  together,  —  no  business  interest,  no  public  institutions,  no  remarkable 
scenery.  On  the  contrary,  the  season  of  the  year  and  the  exceptionably  cold 
temperature  that  day  seemed  forbidding  enough.  Yet  still  they  came.  It 
was  because  Americans  wished  to  tread  the  soil  baptized  with  the  first  blood 
of  the  Revolution,  and  do  homage  at  the  grave  of  the  gallant  men,  who,  against 
great  odds,  stood  firm  and  undaunted  on  this  village  green. 

The  present  generation  has  thus  borne  high  testimony  to  the  worth  of  the 
noble  patriots  who  died  that  their  country  might  be  free. 

Such  true  courage,  such  ardent  devotion  to  principle,  such  steadfast  adher 
ence  to  the  right,  will  always  attract  attention,  and  in  the  end  gain  the  admira 
tion  of  the  world.  And  it  matters  little,  whether  the  heroes  be  few  or  many, 
whether  they  fall  singly  or  by  thousands :  if  there  be  genuine  self-sacrifice  for 
the  good  of  others,  there  will  in  the  end  be  an  offering  of  gratitude  paid  at 
the  consecrated  shrine  of  martyrs. 


THE    DECORATIONS. 

The  route  taken  by  the  British  on  their  ill-omened  march  to  Lexington  was, 
on  this  occasion,  marked  by  various  decorations  all  the  way  from  East  Cam 
bridge.  All  the  public  buildings,  and  many  private  residences,  displayed 
flags,  streamers,  and  mottoes  in  great  abundance.  We  can  only  allude  to 
those  that  are  invested  with  special  historic  interest. 

An  arch  was  erected  between  the  two  venerable  elms  at  Alewife  Brook, 
marking  the  boundary  between  Cambridge  and  Arlington,  with  suitable  in- 


It6  LEXINGTON  CENTENNIAL. 

scriptions.  Near  the  centre  of  the  village,  on  the  left  of  the  road,  was  a  sign 
marked,  "  Here,  one  hundred  years  ago,  stood  the  Black  Horse  Tavern,  — 
headquarters  of  the  Committee  of  Safety."  The  old  toll-house  announced 
that  Jason  Russell  and  others  fell  there ;  and  in  the  front  yard  of  the  same 
house  was  posted,  "  Here  the  minute-men  from  Danvers  formed  a  line  behind 
a  breastwork  of  shingles ;  and  several  of  them  were  killed." 

In  front  of  the  Arlington  House  was  inscribed,  "  Site  of  the  Cooper  Tavern, 
in  which  Jabez  Wyman  and  Jason  Winship  (non-combatants)  were  killed  by 
the  British."  On  a  broad  arch,  spanning  the  avenue  near  the  Town  Hall,  was 
inscribed  the  fact,  that  on  that  spot  Lord  Percy's  supplies  were  captured,  and 
several  of  the  convoy  killed  or  taken  prisoners.  The  old  Cutter  House  bore 
the  sign,  "  This  house  was  entered,  plundered,  and  set  on  fire  by  the  British." 
Towards  the  western  end  of  the  town  was  the  inscription,  "  Site  of  Dea.  Joseph 
Adams's  house,  from  which  the  British  took  the  communion  service,  which 
was  afterwards  recovered  by  purchase,  and  is  now  used  by  the  Unitarian 
Society." 

In  East  Lexington,  the  schoolhouse  and  several  private  houses  were  appro 
priately  decorated  with  patriotic  mottoes  and  colors.  Several  interesting 
Revolutionary  relics  were  seen  mingled  with  the  festoons  and  banners,  which 
now  marked  the  road  almost  without  interruption.  Near  Walter  Welling 
ton's,  an  elm-tree  bore  a  label,  "This  tree  was  set  here,  in  1835,  by  Jonathan 
Harrington,  the  last  survivor  of  the  battle  of  Lexington."  All  the  historic 
houses  in  town  were  marked  by  an  ample  display  of  flags  and  appropriate 
tablets,  furnished  by  the  town  committee. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  buildings  on  the  route  is  the  old  Munroe  Tavern, 
which,  by  its  position  and  gala  dress,  attracted  much  attention.  On  an  arch 
in  front  was  inscribed,  "  Lord  Percy's  headquarters  and  hospital ;  pillaged  by 
the  regulars  on  their  return."  It  was  here  that  John  Raymond  was  killed  by 
the  British,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  iQth.  On  one  of  the  ancient  elms,  whose 
branches  nearly  cover  the  house,  was  hung  the  original  tavern  sign,  —  a  large 
plain  board,  in  the  centre  of  which  the  outline  of  a  punch-bowl  could  be  plainly 
traced.  Above  was  the  word  "  Entertainment ; "  and  below,  "  By  William 
Mnnroe,  1775."  This  quaint  relic  was  closely  inspected  by  curious  crowds 
through  the  day. 

On  the  hill  near  by,  Lord  Percy  planted  one  of  his  cannon,  the  other  being 
stationed  on  the  knoll  where  the  High  Schoolhouse  now  stands.  These  guns 
threw  shot  into  the  village,  but  did  little  damage.  One  ball  entered  the  meet 
ing-house,  and  passed  out  through  the  pulpit  window,  and  lodged  in  the  north 
erly  part  of  the  common.  Several  six-pounders  have  since  been  ploughed  up 
in  different  places  in  or  near  the  village. 

The  High  Schoolhouse  was  finely  ornamented,  —  tri-cofors  running  from 


THE    DECORA  TIONS.  I  I  7 

the  pillars  to  the  trees,  and  rich  festoons  hanging  in  front.  The  inscription 
told  the  name  of  the  school,  and  the  story  of  the  cannon,  adding,  "  1775, 
British  cannon:  1875,  the  school-book."  A  little  below,  on  the  other  side  of 
the  street,  is  the  William  Viles  house,  with  a  large  American  flag,  a  shield, 
and  other  insignia,  embellishing  the  front.  The  inscription  was,  "  The  house 
of  Benjamin  Merriam,  1775  :  hospital  for  the  regulars." 

The  private  residences  in  the  village  were  gayly  decked  with  banners,  por 
traits,  streamers,  effigies,  and  mottoes.  The  town  hall  was  especially  conspicu 
ous.  Flags  and  bunting  were  stretched  from  the  fagade  across  the  street  in 
several  directions.  Near  the  top  of  the  building,  a  large  eagle  held  the 
national  colors  in  his  beak  and  talons. 

The  dwelling  on  the  right,  near  the  common,  known  as  the  old  Buckman 
Tavern,  which  still  holds  two  bullets  in  its  clapboards,  was  worthily  adorned 
with  streamers  and  iestoons,  and  marked,  "Wounded  by  the  British." 

The  churches  were  appropriately  draped  with  flags,  shields,  crosses,  and 
mottoes ;  and  remained  open  to  the  public  through  the  day  and  evening,  fur 
nishing  a  welcome  retreat  to  many  from  the  cold  air  and  the  surging  crowds 
without. 

The  press  headquarters  were  in  the  old  pitched-roof  house,  on  the  south  side 
of  the  common,  bearing  the  inscription,  "  A  witness  of  the  battle." 

The  house  on  the  corner  of  Elm  and  Bedford  Streets,  now  occupied  by 
James  Gould,  was  distinguished  by  a  glory  of  flags,  surrounding  the  following 
notice:  "The  home  of  Jonathan  Harrington,  jun.,  who  was  shot  on  the 
battle-field,  and  died  on  his  own  threshold."  The  next  house  on  Elm  Street, 
facing  the  common,  has  been  occupied  by  successive  generations  of  the  Har 
rington  family.  The  decorations  consisted  of  an  illuminated  shield  over  the 
door,  and  signal  flags  extending  from  the  corners  of  the  house  to  the  noble 
elms  in  front. 

We  regret  to  add  that  this  venerable  house,  which  has  so  long  been  a  promi 
nent  landmark  in  Lexington,  has  since  been  taken  down,  and  will  never  be 
seen  again. 

Hancock  Street  was  richly  decorated  throughout ;  and  many  of  the  devices 
attracted  special  attention. 

The  old  parsonage  is  a  building,  which,  in  historic  interest,  can  hardly  be 
equalled  in  New  England.  Built  in  the  year  1698,  it  was  for  fifty-four  years 
the  home  of  the  Rev.  John  Hancock,  grandfather  of  Gov.  Hancock,  and  one 
of  the  most  influential  clergymen  of  his  time.  It  was  afterwards  occupied  for 
fifty-one  years,  by  his  distinguished  successor  the  Rev.  Jonas  Clark,  well 
known,  throughout  the  Revolution,  as  a  leading  preacher  and  patriot. 

Here  Hancock  and  Adams  frequently  met  to  confer  upon  the  affairs  of  the 
colony  ;  and  the  room  which  they  occupied  remains  precisely  as  it  was. 

This  house  was  decorated  by  the  town,  and  visited  by  thousands  of  people. 


Il8  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 


THE   SCENE   ON   THE   COMMON. 

The  chief  centre  of  attraction  was  naturally  the  old  battle-ground  in  the 
heart  of  the  village.  Here,  on  a  gentle  eminence  near  the  roadside,  stands 
the  simple  granite  monument  erected  by  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachu 
setts  at  the  close  of  the  last  century.  The  quaint  inscription,  written  by 
Lexington's  great  war  minister,  records  the  names  of  the  heroic  dead  whose 
mortal  remains  rest  in  the  sacred  soil  beneath. 

The  old  parish  meeting-house,  which  stood  at  the  Boston  end  of  the  com 
mon,  near  the  spot  now  occupied  by  the  hay-scales,  has  long  since  disappeared. 
The  ancient  belfry,  which  stood  by  itself  on  the  green,  and  did  such  good 
service  in  calling  out  the  militia  on  the  morning  of  the  igth,  has  also,  unfor 
tunately,  been  removed.  In  other  respects  the  general  features  of  the  place 
have  been  remarkably  well  preserved. 

The  principal  decoration  at  the  entrance  of  the  common  was  a  large  trium 
phal  arch,  bearing  the  conspicuous  words,  "  Welcome  to  the  birthplace  of 
American  liberty." 

Over  this  waved  from  a  lofty  flagstaff  a  brilliant  American  flag  thirty  feet 
in  length,  and  from  each  side  of  the  staff  a  line  of  smaller  flags  extending 
across  the  two  streets.  Some  of  these  flags  bore  appropriate  inscriptions. 
The  following  were  especially  prominent :  "  Don't  fire  unless  fired  upon  ;  but, 
if  they  mean  to  have  war,  let  it  begin  here.  —  Capt.  Parker''  "  Too  few  to 
resist,  too  brave  to  fly." 

Near  the  flag-staff,  on  the  left,  a  small  kiosk  was  erected  for  the  distribution 
of  programmes,  medals,  and  souvenirs. 

Passing  under  the  arch,  and  along  a  short  walk  embowered  in  evergreens, 
the  public  were  admitted  to  the  pavilion  tent,  in  which  the  exercises  of  the 
morning  were  held.  The  interior  presented  a  spectacle  of  grandeur  and 
beauty  rarely  witnessed.  Flags  of  all  nations  waved  in  harmonious  colors 
from  the  centre  poles  and  gas-pipes,  while  bunting  and  streamers  were  carried 
in  graceful  lines  to  the  corners  and  sides  of  the  mammoth  canvas.  Beneath 
this  canopy  a  smooth  floor  was  laid,  two  hundred  feet  by  eighty,  affording 
accommodation  for  seven  thousand  people. 

A  large  platform,  adorned  with  flowers  and  exotic  plants,  was  arranged  on 
the  western  side  for  the  speakers  and  distinguished  guests,  the  front  being 
covered  with  green  cloth  fringed  with  gold. 

In  the  centre,  over  the  speaker's  desk,  were  suspended  several  interesting 
trophies,  including  guns,  swords,  pistols,  stirrups,  a  Continental  hat,  and  other 
articles,  mostly  from  the  battle  of  Lexington.  Floating  above  them  was  an 


THE  SCENE   ON  THE   COMMON.  I  1 9 

old  flag  showing  red  and  white  stripes  with  twelve  blue  stars,  and  the  inscrip 
tion,  "  Flag  of  '  The  Bon  Homme  Richard.'  ' 

Near  the  end  of  the  platform,  on  the  right,  stood  the  veiled  statue  of  Samuel 
Adams  ;  and,  half  way  between  that  and  the  centre,  the  palmetto-tree  from 
South  Carolina,  with  its  fourteen  graceful  branches.  On  the  left,  at  corre 
sponding  distances,  stood  the  statue  of  John  Hancock,  also  veiled,  and  the 
pine-tree  ;  these  two  trees  being  emblematic  of  the  union  between  Massachu 
setts  and  South  Carolina. 

On  the  opposite  side  of  the  tent,  facing  the  orator,  were  banners  containing 
the  names  of  the  patriots  killed  in  the  battle,  and  also  the  following :  "  Seven 
men  of  Lexington  were  killed,  nine  wounded, —  a  quarter  part  of  all  who  stood 
in  arms  on  our  green  ;  "  "  Their  names  are  held  in  grateful  remembrance  ;  " 
"  They  gave  their  lives  in  testimony  to  the  rights  of  mankind." 

At  nine  o'clock  the  public  were  admitted  ;  and  it  was  not  long  before  all  the 
available  space  was  disposed  of. 

The  first  to  take  the  platform  was  the  New  England  Veteran  Association 
of  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  war  of  1812,  marshalled  by  Col.  Henry  Little. 
Then  followed  the  invited  guests  and  delegations  from  various  societies,  towns, 
and  cities  throughout  the  United  States. 

At  half-past  ten  the  chief  marshal  and  staff  arrived,  escorting  the  president 
of  the  day,  the  orator,  and  other  speakers. 

An  overture  from  the  Germania  Band  opened  the  exercises  ;  a  full  account 
of  which  has  already  been  given  at  the  beginning  of  this  volume. 

The  dining-tent  extended  the  whole  length  of  the  common,  parallel  with 
Elm  Street,  and  was  carried  even  across  Bedford  Street.  It  was  floored  over, 
and  stood  nearly  at  right  angles  to  the  pavilion,  with  which  it  was  connected 
by  a  short  covered  passage-way.  The  dimensions  were  four  hundred  and  ten 
feet  by  fifty,  with  a  wing  of  a  hundred  feet  by  fifty,  accommodating  thirty- 
seven  hundred  persons  seated  at  the  tables.  The  appearance  of  this  vast 
tent,  with  its  far-reaching  vista  of  streamers,  flags,  flowers,  and  dishes,  excited 
the  admiration  of  every  beholder.  The  experienced  caterer,  J.  B.  Smith,  made 

*  It  is  claimed  that  this  flag,  known  as  that  of  Paul  Jones,  was  the  first  flag  bearing  the 
stars  and  stripes  ever  raised  over  an  American  vessel  of  war,  and  the  first  one  ever  saluted 
by  a  foreign  foe. 

It  was  borne  by  "  The  Bon  Homme  Richard  "  in  the  famous  combat  with  "  The  Serapis," 
Sept.  23,  1779.  During  the  fight  the  flag  was  shot  away,  and  Lieut.  James  Bayard  Stafford, 
then  serving  on  board  "  The  Richard,"  jumped  into  the  sea,  and  recovered  it ;  in  doing  which 
he  received  a  sabre-wound,  from  the  effect  of  which  he  never  fully  recovered.  He  served 
through  the  Revolution  ;  and,  at  its  close,  the  Marine  Committee  presented  the  flag  to  Lieut. 
Stafford,  in  grateful  recognition  of  his  services  in  recovering  it  after  it  had  been  shot  away. 
It  is  now  in  the  possession  of  his  daughter,  Sarah  Smith  Stafford,  of  Trenton,  N.J.,  who 
brought  it  to  Lexington  for  exhibition,  with  various  other  relics. 


120  LEXINGTON  CENTENNIAL. 

his  arrangements  on  the  largest  possible  scale.  The  tables  were  served  by 
an  army  of  waiters,  re-enforced  by  a  corps  of  young  ladies  from  some  of  the 
neighboring  towns,  who  kindly  tendered  their  services,  and  who  were  assigne'd 
to  the  tables  of  the  Presidential  party  and  other  distinguished  guests. 


THE   PROCESSION. 

Notwithstanding  the  delays  occasioned  by  the  obstruction  of  the  roads,  the 
procession  was  to  the  public  generally  the  most  attractive  feature  of  the  day. 
It  extended  over  a  mile  and  a  half  in  length,  and  presented  a  grand  and  im 
posing  appearance. 

Some  of  the  organizations  arrived  too  late  to  take  the  place  assigned  them 
in  the  line.  This  was  true  of  the  Independent  Boston  Fusileers,  the  Lynn 
Light  Infantry,  Post  139  G.A.R.,  the  Knights  of  Pythias  of  Somerville,  and 
possibly  some  other  delegations. 

The  column  was  formed  on  Main  Street,  near  Bryant's  Corner,  in  the  east 
ern  part  of  the  town.  At  about  one  o'clock  the  final  signal  was  given,  and 
the  procession  moved  in  the  following  order :  — 

Brown's  Brigade  Band. 

Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery  Company  as  escort,  with  the  following  roster:  — 
Captain,  Major  Dexter  H.  Follett. 
First  Lieutenant,  Lieut.  Horatio  N.  Crane. 
Second  Lieutenant,  Sergt.  Asa  Carton. 
Adjutant,  Capt.  Samuel  Hichborn. 
First  Sergeant  of  Infantry,  Gen.  Natt  Head. 
Second  Sergeant  of  Infantry,  Capt.  William  B.  Sears. 
Third  Sergeant  of  Infantry,  Gen.  Samuel  H.  Leonard. 
Fourth  Sergeant  of  Infantry,  Gen.  George  B.  Drake. 
Fifth  Sergeant  of  Infantry,  Major  Charles  B.  Whittemore. 
First  Sergeant  of  Artillery,  John  J.  Mann. 
Second  Sergeant  of  Artillery,  Albert  T.  Whiting. 
Third  Sergeant  of  Artillery,  Capt.  Charles  Jarvis. 
Fourth  Sergeant  of  Artillery,  Roswell  D.  Tucker. 
Fifth  Sergeant  of  Artillery,  Capt.  Thomas  W.  Cazmay. 
Treasurer  and  Paymaster,  Capt.  John  G.  Roberts. 
Clerk  and  Assistant  Paymaster,  Lieut.  George  H.  Allen. 
Quartermaster,  Capt.  Charles  S.  Lambert. 
Armorer,  Capt.  Richard  M.  Barker. 

The  Ancients  had  three  hundred  and  fifty  men  in  line  ;  and  among  the  honorary  staff  were 
Gen.  Banks,  Col.  John  C.  Park,  Gen.  Ebenezer  W.  Stone,  and  Major  George  O.  Carpenter. 


THE    PROCESSION.  121 

Chief  Marshal,  William  A.  Tower. 

Chief  of  Staff,  Gen.  Wilmon  W.  Blackmar. 

Adjutant-General,  Capt.  Samuel  E.  Chandler. 

Aids.  —  Col.  D.  P.  Muzzey,  Col.  J.  N.  Lombard,  Capt.  Hugh  Cochrane,  Capt.  George  R. 
Kelso,  Col.  Edward  W.  Kinsley,  Cornelius  Wellington,  F.  O.  Robinson,  Lieut.-Col.  William 
Ingalls,  Capt.  William  Roberts,  Capt.  T.  D.  Whitney,  Capt.  E.  L.  Giddings,  Capt.  Jonas  F. 
Capelle,  A.  E.  Scott,  Benjamin  Poland. 

RIGHT   DIVISION. 

Chief.  —  Gen.  William  Cogswell. 

Aids.  — Gen.  F.  S.  Nickerson,  Major  W.  S.  Greenough,  Col.  J.  W.  Gilray,  Dr.  George  S. 
Osborne,  Capt.  H.  W.  Putnam,  F.  V.  Butters. 
Brockton  Band. 

Lexington  Minute-Men,  Major  Loring  W.  Muzzey  commanding,  as  escort,  97  men. 
Staff:  Adjutant,  A.  D.  Cutler;  Surgeon,  William  J.  Currier,  M.D. ;  Quartermaster,  Frank 
P.  Hovey ;  Commissary,  John  M.  Morse  ;  Paymaster,  George  O.  Davis. 

Non-commissioned  Staff:  Sergeant  Major,  Henry  M.  Reed ;  Quartermaster  Sergeant, 
W.  Power  Wilson.  First  Company  :  Captain,  George  H.  Cutter  ;  First  Lieutenant,  Charles 
A.  Fowle :  Second  Lieutenant,  Everett  S.  Locke.  Second  Company :  Captain,  G.  Kauff- 
mann ;  First  Lieutenant,  John  F.  Maynard ;  Second  Lieutenant,  James  A.  Mitchell. 

This  impromptu  company,  dressed  in  the  Continental  uniform,  made  an  imposing  appear 
ance,  and  attracted  great  attention. 

Carriage  containing  George  Goodwin,  Bennie  Muzzey,  and  Freddie  Emery,  Lexington 
boys,  uniformed  as  minute-men. 

Military  Order  of  the  Loyal  Legion,  United  States,  Col.  William  V.  Hutchings,  command 
ing,  100  men. 

Salem  Band. 

Salem  Cadets,  Major  A.  P.  Browne  commanding,  109  men.  Major,  Samuel  Dalton;  Ad 
jutant,  J.  F.  Dalton;  Surgeon,  E.  O.  Fowler;  Paymaster,  T.  H.  Johnson;  Quartermaster, 
E.  A.  Simonds.  First  Company.  Capt.  Hobbs;  Second  Company,  Capt.  Masury;  Third 
Company,  Capt.  Hart;  Fourth  Company,  Capt.  Newhall. 

Mayor  Williams  and  the  City  Government  of  Salem. 

Dedham  Brass  Band. 

Charles  W.  Carroll  Post  No.  144,  G.  A.  R.,  Edward  Sherwin  commanding,  40  men;  act 
ing  as  escort  to  a  delegation  of  150  citizens  of  Dedham,  Gen.  Thomas  Sherwin,  Marshal. 

Massachusetts  Veteran  Association  of  Survivors  of  the  War  of  1812,  in  carriages,  with 
their  marshal,  Henry  Little,  aged  86  years. 

Dartmoor  prisoners  in  carriages. 

Society  of  the   Cincinnati. 

President  of  the  Day. 

Orator  and    Chaplains. 

Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Arrangements. 

Board  of  Government  of  the  Massachusetts  Charitable  Association. 

Twenty  members  of  the  Joseph  Warren  Monument  Association  of  Roxbury. 

Needham  Band. 

Mounted  delegation  of  thirty  from  Needham,  Joseph  E.  Fiske,  Marshal. 

Highlandville  Cornet  Band. 

Delegation  of  citizens  from  Needham,  100  men. 
16 


122  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

Post  21,  G.  A.  R.,  Needham,  30  men. 

Delegation  from  Quincy,  consisting  of  Hon.  Charles  Marsh,  Chairman;  John  O.  Holden, 
William  B.  Wooster,  and  C.  C.  Johnson. 

Magoon  Battery  of  Medford,  two  guns,  an  escort  for  S.  C.  Lawrence  Post  66,  G.  A.  R. 
Captain  of  Battery,  Charles  Russell;  First  Lieutenant,  Edwin  Burbank;  Second  Lieutenant, 
William  Vining. 

S.  C.  Lawrence  Encampment,  Post  66,  G.  A.  R.,  Capt.  J.  F.  R.  Hosea;  50  men. 

Saunders'  Cornet  Band  of  Peabody. 

Peabody  Veterans'  and  Soldiers'  and  Sailors'  Association,  45  men,  W.  M.  Ward  com 
manding. 

Old  Danvers  Light  Infantry,  60  men,  Major  D.  J.  Preston  commanding,  accompanied  by 
the  Union  Fife  and  Drum  Corps  of  Peabody. 

Delegation  of  101  minute-men  from  Billerica,  C.  H.  Hill,  Marshal,  with  banner,  "1775- 
1875,  101  minute-men." 

A  company  of  70,  with  Band  and  Drum  Corps,  from  Newton. 

Nashua  Cornet  Band,  21  men. 

Mechanic  Phalanx  of  Lowell,  45  men.  Captain,  C.  H.  Brown ;  Lieutenants,  George  A. 
Merrill  and  A.  A.  Hanscomb. 

Lowell  City  Government. 

Collector  of  the  Port  of  Boston. 

Postmaster  of  the  City  of  Boston. 

Naval  Officer  and  Surveyor  of  the  Port  of  Boston. 

Officers  of  the  United  States  Army  and  Navy. 

Philadelphia  Centennial  Commission. 

The  City  Council  of  Philadelphia. 

New  York  Chamber  of  Commerce. 

Bunker  Hill  Monument  Association. 

Boston  Board  of  Trade. 

National  Lancers,  Capt.  C.  C.  Emery  as  escort. 

The  President  of  the  United  States. 

Members  of  the  Cabinet. 

Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

United  States  Senators  from  Massachusetts. 

United  States  Senators. 

United  States  Representatives  to  Congress. 

Band. 

Independent  Corps  of  Cadets,  as  escort. 

Governor  of  Massachusetts,  and  Staff. 

Ex-Governors  of  Massachusetts. 

Lieutenant-Governor  of  Massachusetts,  and  Council. 

Sheriff  of  Middlesex. 

Members  of  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts. 

Colleges  and  Universities. 

The  Reverend  Clergy. 

The  Judiciary  of  Massachusetts. 

United  States  Marshal  ana!  Deputies. 

Judges  of  United  States  Courts. 

Governors  of  other  States. 

Invited  Guests. 


THE    PROCESSION.  123 

Delegations  from  Acton,  Bedford,  Billerica,  Beverly,  Brookline,  Carlisle,  Chelmsford, 
Chelsea,  Concord,  Danvers,  Dedham,  Framingham,  Littleton,  Lowell,  Lincoln,  Medford, 
Melrose,  North  Reading,  Needham,  Newton,  Peabody,  Saugus,  Stow,  Sudbury,  Salem, 
Topsfield,  Westford,  Wayland,  Weston,  and  other  towns. 

CENTRE   DIVISION. 

Chief.  —  Col.  William  T.  Grammer. 

Aids.  — Col.  Carroll  D.  Wright,  Col.  Lyman  Dike,  Dr.  C.  T.  Lang,  Charles  O.  Billings, 
Alva  S.  Wood,  N.  H.  Merriam. 

North  Woburn  Brass  Band,  25  pieces,  C.  L.  Stetson,  Leader. 

Woburn  Mechanic  Phalanx,  63  men,  Capt.  A.  L.  Richardson. 

Burbank  Post  No  33,  of  Woburn,  77  men,  John  L.  Parker,  Commander. 

A.  D.  Weld  Post  No.  148,  of  Winchester,  30  men,  C.  H.  Moseley,  Commander. 

Winchester  Young  Men's  Association,  32  men,  N.  F.  Marble,  Marshal. 

Delegation  of  citizens  of  the  town  of  Woburn,  in  five  carriages. 

A.  E.  Thompson,  Chairman  of  Committee. 

Carriage  driven  by  Wm.  B.  Ham  of  Woburn,  West  Village,  containing  relics  of  the  bat 
tle  of  Lexington. 

Citizens  of  Winchester  in  carriages,  S.  S.  Holton,  Chairman. 

Cavalcade  of  Woburn  citizens,  101  men,  Major  E.  F.  Wyer,  Marshal. 

Cavalcade  of  Burlington  citizens,  50  men,  F.  E.  Ham,  Marshal. 

Selectmen  and  citizens  of  the  town  of  Burlington  in  two  carriages,  F.  E.  Marshall, 
Chairman. 

Stoneham  Delegation,  W.  B.  Stevens,  Marshal ;  Aids,  B.  A.  Fowler  and  E.  B.  Fairchilds. 

Stoneham  Brass  Band,  20  pieces,  E.  Gilbert,  Leader. 

J.  P.  Gould  Post  75,  G.  A.  R.,  of  Stoneham,  86  men,  John  Best,  Commander. 

Carriage  containing  George  W.  Dike.  Edward  Bucknam,  and  B.  F.  Richardson,  descend 
ants  of  Stoneham  minute-men  of  1775,  with  banner. 

Selectmen  and  Town  Clerk  of  Stoneham  in  carriages. 

Citizens  of  Stoneham,  125  men. 

Reading  Veteran  Association,  30  men,  W.  W.  Davis,  Commander. 

Delegations  of  the  citizens  of  Reading,  60  men,  Charles  H.  Lang,  Marshal. 

Maiden  Cornet  Band,  20  pieces,  A.  M.  Moore,  Leader. 

Delegation  of  citizens  of  Maiden,  25  men,  A.  L.  Barrett,  Marshal. 

Major-Gen.  Hiram  G.  Berry  Post  No.  40,  G.  A.  R.,  of  Maiden,  70  men,  M.  B.  Lakeman, 
Commander. 

Selectmen  and  Town  Officers  of  Maiden  in  four  carriages. 

Ripley's  Wakefield  Band,  25  pieces,  W.  S.  Ripley,  Leader. 

Richardson  Light  Guard  of  Wakefield,  70  men,  Capt.  J.  M.  Cate. 

Warren  Post  No.  12,  G.  A.  R.,  of  Wakefield,  60  men,  J.  W.  Harnden,  Commander. 

Revere  Brass  Band,  18  pieces,  S.  B.  Janvrin,  Leader. 

Selectmen  of  Revere  in  two  carriages,  and  eight  barges  containing  200  citizens,  with  a 
brass  band,  and  a  banner  containing  a  portrait  of  Paul  Revere,  borne  by  John  McClure, 
aged  75  years.  Col.  T.  W.  Porter,  Marshal. 

Cavalcade  of  Waltham  citizens,  65  men,  Capt.  Wm.  Gibbs,  Marshal,  escorting  Gen.  N.  P. 
Banks  and  the  Veterans  of  the  war  of  1812  of  this  town,  viz.,  Samuel  Barry  and  Isaac 
Farewell. 

Watertown  Brass  Band,  25  pieces,  Willard  Sheldon,  Leader. 

Isaac  B.  Patten  Post  81,  G.  A.  R.,  of  Watertown,  52  men,  Albert  B.  Hardwell,  Commander. 


124  LEXINGTON  CENTENNIAL. 

Watertown  Minute-Men,  54  men,  Charles  Potter,  Commander. 
Watertown  School  Guard,  40  men,  Capt.  John  Stevens. 

Watertown  citizens  and  descendants  of  Minute-Men  who  fought  at  Lexington,  in  2  car 
riages. 

First  Regiment  Band,  30  pieces. 

Drum  Corps,  10  pieces. 

Claflin  Guards  of  Newton,  50  men,  Capt.  A.  W.  Walworth. 

Mayor  Hyde,  Board  of  Aldermen,  and  Common  Council  of  Newton,  in  6  carriages. 

LEFT   DIVISION. 

Chief.  —  Col.  B.  F.  Peach. 

Aids.  —  Maj.  Jos.  A.  Ingalls,  Maj.  A.  Hun  Berry,  Capt.  Henry  C.  Cutter,  Lieut.  Aug. 
Brown,  Lieut.  C.  C.  Frye,  A.  C.  Tower. 

Gen.  Walcott  Commander  of  the  Cambridge  Delegation. 

Aids.  —  Capts.  John  Read  and  G.  H.  Prior. 

Bond's  Band  of  Boston  (mounted),  1 1  pieces,  Alonzo  Bond,  Leader. 

Boston  Light  Dragoons,  loomen,  Capt.  David  Scott. 

Edmands's  Band  of  Boston  (in  new  uniform),  25  pieces. 

Fourth  Battalion  M.  V.  M.  Drum  Corps,  16  drums,  James  Clark,  Drum  Master. 

Fourth  Battalion  M.  V.  M.,  4  companies,  Major  A.  C.  Wellington. 

Staff.  —  Adjutant  George  H.  Thorn;  Surgeon  J.  A.  Hildreth;  Quartermaster  D.  A. 
Brown  ;  Paymaster  L.  B.  Hiscock;  Lieut.  T.  D.  Whitney. 

Non-commissioned  Staff. —  Sergt.-Major  Lethbridge,  Ouartermaster-Sergt.  Wing,  and 
Hospital-Steward  Webber. 

Co.  A.  —  Capt.  N.  N.  Noyes ;   Lieuts.  George  O.  Noyes  and  E.  G.  Stevens. 

Co.  B.  —  Capt.  Levi  Hawkes  ;  Lieuts.  Dolan  and  Torrey. 

Co.  C.  —  Capt.  T.  L.  Harlow;  Lieuts.  Pray  and  Fallon. 

Co.  D. —  Capt.  H.  A.  Parkinson;  Lieuts.  Harrington  and  Fitzmeyer. 

Germania  Band  of  Cambridge,  21  pieces,  C.  C.  Heichman,  Leader. 

Capt.  Joseph  W.  Smith,  Battalion  Commander  of  the  Cambridge  G.  A.  R.  Posts. 

Aid.  —  Adjt.  James  Munroe. 

Encampment  W.  H.  Smart  Post  30,  G.  A.  R.,  100  men,  William  P.  Livesey,  Commander. 

Encampment  Chas.  Beck  Post  56,  G.  A.  R.,  50  men,  W.  W.  Webb,  Commander. 

Encampment  P.  Stearns  Davis  Post  57,  G.  A.  R.,  60  men,  A.  M.  Lunt,  Commander. 

Barouches  containing  Aldermen  J.  C.  Wellington  and  Wm.  L.  Whitney,  and  Councilmen 
Kelley,  Stone,  Nichols,  and  Swan,  all  of  the  Cambridge  City  Council;  Mayor  Bradford  of 
Cambridge,  and  ex-Mayors  Green,  Houghton,  and  Sargent,  members  of  the  Cambridge  City 
Council,  and  a  delegation  of  citizens. 

Lynn  Brass  Band,  20  pieces,  J.  C.  Norton,  Leader. 

Lynn  Light  Infantry,  57  men,  Capt.  J.  G.  Warner ;  Lieuts.  C.  M.  Sprague  and  G.  A.  Ful 
ler,  jun. 

Newton  City  Brass  Band,  25  pieces,  C.  P.  Eaton,  Leader. 

Drum  Corps,  10  drums. 

Boston  Independent  Fusileers,  75  men,  Capt.  H.  A.  Snow. 

Staff. —  Capts.  McDonald,  Aldrich,  Sargent,  and  Warner. 

American  Band  of  Cambridge  (mounted),  23  pieces,  Daniel  Bissell,  Leader. 

Cavalcade  of  Arlington  citizens,  200  men,  James  Durgan,  Marshal.  The  Arlington  dele 
gation,  and  some  others,  furnished  their  own  spacious  tent  and  commissariat. 

Three  barouches  containing  prominent  citizens  of  Arlington. 


THE    PROCESSION.  125 

Delegation  of  four  members  of  Hiram  Lodge,  F.  A.  M.,  of  Arlington,  in  barouche. 

Delegation  of  four  members  of  Metonomy  Royal  Arch  Chapter  of  Masons  of  Arlington, 
in  barouche. 

Delegation  of  six  members  of  Bethel  Lodge,  I.  O.  O.  F.,  of  Arlington,  in  barouche. 

Delegation  of  six  members  of  the  Arlington  Temperance  Society  in  barouche. 

Delegation  of  four  members  of  Metonomy  Council,  Sovereigns  of  Industry,  of  Arlington, 
in  barouche. 

Lexington  Brass  Band,  25  pieces,  McDonald,  Leader. 

Franklin  Lodge  No.  41,  K.  of  P.,  of  Somerville,  90  men,  Wm.  Spring,  Commander. 

Encampment  W.  C.  Kingsley  No.  139,  G.  A.  R.,  of  Somerville,  130  men,  George  W.  Bur 
roughs,  Commander. 

Eleven  barouches  containing  Mayor  Furber  of  Somerville,  members  of  the  City  Council, 
and  a  delegation  of  citizens. 

St.  Bridget  Total  Abstinence  Society  of  Lexington,  35  men,  P.  Kelley,  Marshal. 

The  Independent  Corps  of  Cadets,  with  Gov.  Gaston,  Vice-President  Wil 
son,  and  a  portion  of  the  Legislature,  did  not  arrive  from  Concord  in  season 
to  take  the  position  assigned  them  in  the  line. 

The  route  of  march  was  through  Main  to  Hancock  Street,  through  Hancock 
to  Revere  Street,  through  Revere  to  Bedford  Street,  and  thence  to  the  com 
mon.  So  dense  was  the  crowd  of  people  at  several  points,  that  it  was  with 
difficulty  that  the  column  could  move.  The  men  in  the  line  were  very  enthu 
siastic,  and  cheered  the  decorated  residences  along  the  route  ;  and  the  surging 
crowd  of  spectators  gave  a  warm  reception  to  the  various  organizations  as  they 
appeared,  one  after  another,  in  their  brilliant  uniforms,  with  banners  and 
music. 

The  President  intended  to  leave  Concord  for  Lexington  at  one  o'clock,  by 
train  on  the  Boston  and  Lowell  Railrpad ;  but,  upon  his  arrival  at  the  station 
in  Concord,  the  trains  were  found  to  be  so  irregular,  that  immediate  trans 
portation  could  not  be  obtained.  Accordingly,  the  President  and  Cabinet, 
with  Gov.  Chamberlain  of  South  Carolina,  and  a  few  other  invited  guests,  pro 
ceeded  in  carriages  over  the  county  road  to  Lexington,  a  distance  of  seven 
miles. 

The  President  arrived  a  little  in  advance  of  his  suite,  and  was  received  by 
the  National  Lancers,  and  escorted  along  the  entire  length  of  the  line. 

As  the  President  passed  by,  he  was  cheered  by  the  procession  and  the  pop 
ulace.  On  the  return  down  Bedford  Street,  he  took  his  position  with  his  escort 
in  the  right  division,  and  remained  with  the  column  until  it  was  dismissed. 

On  leaving  the  procession,  President  Grant,  and  Secretaries  Fish,  Robeson, 
and  Delano,  were  taken  by  the  President  of  the  Day  to  the  house  of  Mrs.  Julia 
M.  Stetson,  opposite  the  common.  Here  they  were  joined  by  Gen.  Belknap, 
Secretary  of  War,  Postmaster-Gen.  Jewell,  Chief-Marshal  Tower,  Hon.  Richard 
H.  Dana,  Hon.  Charles  Hudson,  Rev.  E.  G.  Porter,  Gens.  Burnside  and  Ben- 
ham,  Commodore  Nichols,  Ex-Gov.  Stearns,  Senator  Wadleigh,  Collector  Sim- 


126  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

• 

raons,  Col.  Fish,  and  others  ;  and,  after  a  brief  rest,  the  party  were  escorted  to 
the  dinner. 

The  common  and  the  adjacent  streets  were  so  densely  crowded,  that  it  was 
almost  impossible  to  get  through.  The  Ancients  and  the  Lancers,  however, 
gracefully  took  position  in  lines,  through  which  the  distinguished  guests,  led 
by  the  chief  marshal  and  his  chief-of-staff,  passed  into  the  pavilion  ;  and,  after 
a  few  moments  spent  in  viewing  the  statues,  went  on  into  the  dinner  tent. 


THE   STATUES   OF   HANCOCK   AND   ADAMS. 

As  these  statues  were  objects  of  special  attention,  and  as  the  unveiling  of 
them  constituted  one  of  the  most  interesting  ceremonies  of  the  day,  we 
can  hardly  do  justice  to  the  occasion  without  noticing  them  somewhat  in 
detail.  The  statues  are  life  size,  both  cut  from  Carrara  marble,  and  each 
marked  by  excellencies  of  its  own  ;  the  common  merit  being  the  fidelity  to 
nature  shown  in  the  attitude  and  expression  of  each.  They  are  the  work  of 
the  well-known  sculptors,  Thomas  R.  Gould  and  Martin  Milmore ;  each  select 
ing  his  subject,  and  forming  his  idea  of  the  character  of  his  man;  and  we 
can  justly  say  that  each  has  succeeded  remarkably  well  in  impressing  upon 
the  marble  the  true  and  distinctive  features  of  the  original. 

Mr.  Milmore  has  presented  us,  in  his  statue  of  Samuel  Adams,  a  bold,  manly 
figure,  with  a  broad,  intellectual  forehead,  a  composed  but  determined  counte 
nance,  compressed  lips,  and  every  feature  indicating  decision  of  character, 
foresight,  honesty  of  purpose,  enduring  fortitude,  and  a  will  which  no  ordinary 
obstacle  could  bend.  These  qualities  are  not  presented  in  a  harsh  or  repul 
sive  manner,  but  with  much  native  simplicity  and  ease.  The  firm  attitude,  the 
plain  dress,  the  earnest  gesture,  the  resolute  face,  all  belong  to  the  man  who, 
more  than  any  other,  may  be  said  to  have  organized  the  American  Revolution. 

In  John  Hancock,  Mr.  Gould  found  a  different  subject.  He  has  given  us 
a  more  precise  and  elegant  man,  more  courtly  in  his  dress  and  bearing,  more 
self-conscious,  and  possibly  more  flexible  in  his  character.  These  traits  may 
need  more  of  the  delicate  touches  of  the  chisel  than  would  be  required  in 
giving  the  sterner  qualities  of  Adams,  but  not  more  discernment  or  expres 
sion  Even  by  the  enforced  comparison,  Hancock  shows  no  want  of  decision^ 
Standing  as  he  does  with  the  great  charter  of  our  rights  in  his  hand,  he 
shows  no  disposition  to  falter,  but,  with  a  little  self-complacency  perhaps,  mani 
fests  a  determination  to  stand  firm  to  the  end,  regardless  of  consequences. 

Both  works  are  greatly  admired  by  all  who  have  seen  them ;  and  the 
opinion  has  been  very  generally  expressed,  that  they  reflect  high  honor  upon 
the  artists  from  whose  studios  they  come. 


THE  STA  TVES  OF  HANCOCK  AND  ADAMS.  I  2  7 

These  statues  already  have  a  history  worthy  of  mention.  When  they  were 
first  modelled,  the  committee  had  special  reference  to  this  celebration ;  and, 
to  insure  their  completion  in  season,  the  contracts  stipulated  that  they  were 
to  be  delivered  in  Lexington  by  the  1st  of  January,  1875.  Three  long 
months  passed  after  that  date,  but  no  statues  had  arrived.  We  became 
anxious,  but  could  learn  nothing  except  that  they  were  en  route.  Weeks  of 
anxiety  passed  on,  but  they  brought  no  statues.  One  steamer  from  Liverpool, 
which  was  expected  to  bring  the  Adams,  arrived  at  Boston  ;  but  no  statue  was 
found  on  her  manifest.  There  was  only  one  more  chance  before  the  iQth; 
and  that  consisted  mainly  in  the  speed  of  "  The  Parthia,"  the  next  steamer. 
At  this  juncture,  it  was  reported  that  the  sailing-vessel  with  the  statue  of 
Hancock  on  board,  from  Leghorn  early  in  January,  had  just  reached  our 
coast,  and  was  weather-bound  in  Vineyard  Haven.  This  was  the  state  of 
things  at  early  dawn,  on  Saturday  the  I7th.  Neither  statue  had  arrived  in 
port.  That  evening  in  the  light  of  the  full  moon,  between  the  hours  of  eleven 
and  twelve,  when  hope  was  giving  place  to  despair,  the  statue  of  Adams 
arrived  in  our  village.  We  deemed  it  no  desecration  of  the  sabbath  to  place 
it  in  position  on  that  day.  We  had  scarcely  adjusted  the  statue  of  Adams, 
when  that  of  Hancock  arrived  ;  and,  before  the  setting  of  that  sabbath  sun, 
both  of  these  statues  were  in  position  in  the  village  where,  one  hundred  years 
before,  Adams  and  Hancock  were  enjoying  the  hospitality  of  the  distinguished 
clergyman  from  whose  dwelling  they  were  driven  before  the  rising  of  the 
next  morning's  sun. 

It  is  certainly  very  remarkable,  that  these  statues  should  leave  the  same 
Italian  port  a  month  apart,  bound  to  the  same  place,  —  one  going  direct  by 
sailing-vessel,  and  the  other  by  steamer  via  England,  —  and,  after  months  of 
delay,  should  arrive  at  their  port  of  destination  within  a  few  hours  of  each 
other ;  and  that,  too,  on  the  very  last  day  when  they  could  have  arrived  in 
season  for  the  celebration. 

It  seems  as  if  there  was  some  charm  binding  even  the  statues  of  these 
patriots  together.  After  Adams  and  Hancock  had  passed  through  so  many 
trying  and  changing  scenes  together,  —  being  born  in  the  same  neighborhood, 
settled  in  the  same  town,  and  devoted  to  the  common  interest  of  their  coun 
try  ;  being  alike  threatened  by  the  ministry,  and  proscribed  by  Gage ;  wit 
nessing  the  opening  scene  of  the  Revolution  at  Lexington ;  elected  to  seats  in 
the  provincial  and  continental  Congresses  ;  having  the  honor  of  signing  the 
Declaration  of  Independence ;  and  being  made  in  turn  each  the  governor  of 
his  native  State,  —  it  seems  fitting  that  their  statues  should  emerge  from  the 
deep,  and  arrive  on  the  same  day  at  Lexington,  where  they  are  destined  to 
stand  side  by  side  in  order  that  their  united  example  may  ever  impress  upon 
the  people  the  importance  of  the  perpetual  union  of  these  States. 


128  LEXINGTON  CENTENNIAL. 


COLLECTION    OF   RELICS 

EXHIBITED    IN    THE    GARY   LIBRARY,    LEXINGTON,  ON    THE    IQTH    OF 

APRIL,    1875. 

Capt.  Parker's  musket. 

British  musket.     The  first  fire-arm  captured  in  the  Revolutionary  war. 

Cannon-ball  (six-pounder)  fired  from  one  of  Lord  Percy's  field-pieces ;  ploughed  up  a  few 
years  since,  on  the  premises  of  Francis  B.  Hayes. 

Cartridge-box  worn  at  the  battle  of  Lexington  by  Francis  Brown,  sergeant,  afterwards  cap 
tain,  of  the  minute-men. 

Sword  of  Edmund  Munroe,  one  of  the  Lexington  minute-men;  killed  at  Monmouth,  1778. 

Grape-shot  ploughed  up  in  Lexington,  near  Waltham  Street,  fifty  years  ago. 

Old  framed  picture  of  battle  of  Lexington ;  found  in  the  Clark  House. 

Cartridge-box  taken  from  a  wounded  British  soldier  at  Lexington,  by  Lieut.  Samuel  Richard 
son  of  Newton. 

Silver  cream-pitcher  made  by  Paul  Revere. 

Small  colored  print  of  Lexington  Common  in  1775. 

Copperplate  coat-of-arms  belonging  to  Rev.  Jonas  Clark,  Lexington,  1 775. 

New-England  Chronicle;  or,  "The  Essex  Gazette."     Printed  in  Stoughton  Hall,  Harvard 
College,  May  25,  1775. 

Portraits  of  King  George  III.  and  Queen  Charlotte;  in  water  colors.     " Advivum  delinea- 
vit."     London,  1762. 

Household  articles  formerly  used' in  Buckman  Tavern. 

Writing-desk  of  the  Rev.  Jonas  Clark. 

Foot-stove  of  the  last  century. 

Lottery  ticket  (five  dollars)  for  rebuilding  Faneuil  Hall,  1765,  signed  by  John  Hancock. 

Small-pox  certificate  signed  by  John  Scollay  and  Nathaniel  Appleton,  selectmen  of  Boston, 
August  ye  13,  1776. 

Health  directions  for  the  army  of  the  United  States,  1778. 

Powder-horn  of  Nathaniel  Nason,  1776;  used  at  Ticonderoga. 

Earthen  jug  dug  up  on  the  Lexington  Farms. 

Business  card  of  Paul  Revere. 

Pewter  plate  from  which  Washington  ate  on  his  visit  to  the  Munroe  Tavern  in  1789. 

Portrait  of  Lord  Percy;  engraved  in  London,  1777. 

The  battle  of  Lexington;  engraved  by  E.  Tisdale.     New  York,  1798. 

Portrait  with  head-dress,  en  silhouette,  of  a  woman  of  the  Revolution. 

Seven  prints  of  the  battle  of  Lexington. 

Two  prints  of  the  retreat  of  the  British  from  Concord. 

Print  of  Gen.  Putnam  receiving  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Lexington. 

Autograph  of  Jona.  Harrington,  the  last  survivor  of  the  Lexington  minute-men,  written  in 
1847,  six  years  before  his  death.     Also  chair  used  by  the  same. 

Pocket-book  and  Continental  currency.  •> 

Engraved  certificate  of  the  Lexington  Monument  Association. 

Powder-horn  and  Musket  used  at  the  battle  of  Lexington  by  Nathan  Dudley. 

Volume  of  Anniversary  Sermons  preached  at  Lexington  on  each    igth  of  April  during  the 
Revolutionary  war. 

Three  small  full-length  portraits,  en  silhouette,  of  young  women  of  the  Revolution. 

Sword  of  Capt.  Joshua  Abbott  of  Concord,  N.H.,  used  in  1775. 

Copper  coins,  temp,  the  four  Georges. 


KEL/CS.  1 29 

American  copper  coins,  temp.  1787. 

Continental  currency,  temp.  1778  ;  fifty-collar  piece. 

Watch  taken  from  the  body  of  a  British  officer. 

Buttons  worn  by  an  American  officer  in  the  war. 

Sword,  sash,  pistols,  and  epaulets,  worn  by  Major-Gen.  Ichabod  Goodwin  of  South  Berwick, 
Me.,  when  in  command  of  Massachusetts  militia. 

Order-book  of  the  guard  in  charge  of  Burgoyne's  prisoners  at  Winter  Hill,  Cambridge. 

Musket,  cartridge-box,  and  sword,  used  April  19,  1775. 

Ink-bottle,  pocket-books,  almanacs,  shoe-buckle,  overshoe,  books,  spur,  knee-buckles, 
cheese-stamp,  and  spectacles  belonging  to  Capt.  Nathan  Alden.  Born  1727:  died 
1 80 1,  Randolph. 

Pieces  of  best  dress,  wedding-dress,  pincushion,  and  needle-book  belonging  to  Mrs.  Nathan 
Alden.  Born  1733,  Randolph. 

Cocked  hat,  stock,  and  buckle,  and  knee-buckles  belonging  to  Col.  Jona.  Bass.  Died 
1790,  Randolph. 

Velvet  waistcoat  belonging  to  Ebenezer  Alden.     Born  1755. 

Ancient  powder-horn  :  "  Unite  or  die." 

Musket  and  powder-horn  carried  on  Lexington  Common  by  Hammond  Reed,  a  member  of 
Capt.  Parker's  company. 

Canteen  belonging  to  Hammond  Reed. 

Sword  worn  by  William  Reed,  Esq.,  a  representative  of  the  town  of  Lexington  in  the  Gen 
eral  Court  in  1757,  and  captain  in  the  French  and  Indian  war,  1755. 

Letter  from  William  Shirley,  Esq.,  Governor  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  to  his  Grace  the  Duke 
of  Newcastle,  with  a  journal  of  the  siege  of  Louisburg.  London  and  Boston,  1746. 

Pocket-book  of  Joshua  Bentley,  the  ferryman  who  carried  Paul  Revere  across  to  Charles- 
town  on  the  night  of  April  18,  1775.  "Joshua  Bentley  —  his  book —  1757." 

Sword  of  Robert  Newman,  who  gave  the  signal  from  Christ  Church. 

Chair,  china  cup,  and  silver  spoon  used  by  Washington  at  the  Munroe  Tavern  in  1789. 

Spectacles  of  Col.  William  Munroe.      Also  silver  spoon,  "  Wm.  -\-  Anna." 

Wedding-ring  of  Mrs.  William  Munroe,  1767.     "  Hearts  united  —  live  contented." 

Piece  of  clothing  and  brass  button  from  the  grave  of  Jason   Russell,  who  fell  April   19. 

Gentleman's  Magazine  for  1775. 

Shoe  and  stocking  worn  at  baptism  by  the  infant  of  Mrs.  Mary  Rogers,  afterwards  second 
wife  of  Col.  William  Munroe. 

Spurs  taken  from  the  heel  of  a  British  officer  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth. 

Light  stand  and  hatchel  (flax-comb). 

Gun  of  John  Munroe,  used  in  battle  of  Lexington. 

Arm-chair,  two  ordinary  chairs,  child's  chair,  and  cradle,  used  by  four  generations  of  the 
Jonas  Clark  family. 

Silver  pepper-box,  china,  glassware,  and  coin-scales,  of  Rev.  Jonas  Clark. 

Portrait  of  Peter,  oldest  son  of  Rev.  Jonas  Clark,  supposed  to  be  by  Stuart. 

Portrait  of  Henry,  youngest  son  of  Rev.  Jonas  Clark,  by  Ames. 

Front-door  panel  of  Capt.  William  Adams's  house,  Arlington,  pierced  by  a  British  bullet. 

Snowehoes  in  possession  of  the  Tidd  family  more  than  a  hundred  years. 

Cannon-ball  and  grape-shot  fired  by  Percy's  battery,  dug  up  on  premises  of  William  Plumer. 

Iron  ball  found  at  Bunker  Hill. 

Tobacco-tongs  and  knee-buckles. 

Tortoise-shell  snuff-box,  inlaid  with  silver,  once  owned  by  Sir  William  Pepperell. 

Silver  porringer  and  small  silver  snuff-box  used  by  Sir  William  Pepperell. 
17 


130  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

Print  of  Boston  Massacre.     "  Engraved,  printed,  and  sold  by  Paul  Revere,  Boston."     Also 

"The  town  of  Boston  in  New  England,  and  Brittish  ships-of-war  landing  their  troops,  1768." 

Revolutionary  candlesticks. 

Warrant  issued  by  Harrison  Gray,  Esq.,  to  Nathan  Reed,  1776. 

Gallon  bottle  (G.  R.),  and  pewter  plate. 

Wig  in  box  of  bark.     Head-dress  and  iron  bodkin. 

Powder-horn  of  Reuben  Locke. 

Poetry  written  by  a  Dartmoor  prisoner. 

Woodcut  for  printing  calicoes  during  the  war. 

Volume  of  sermons. 

Autograph  documents  illustrating  the  events  of  1775. 

Cane  used  by  Caleb  Harrington,  who  was  shot  while  leaving  the  meeting-house  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  i pth. 

Portmanteau,  pistol-barrel,  and  holster,  carried  by  Surgeon  Fiske  of  Lexington,  through 
the  whole  Revolutionary  war. 

Snow-shoes  worn  by  Surgeon  Fiske. 

Surgeon  Fiske's  certificate  of  membership  in  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati. 

Facsimile  of  autographs  of  all  the  original  members  of  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati. 

Old  framed  pictures  of  the  battles  of  Lexington  and  Concord,  by  Doolittle,  1775. 

Shovel  taken  from  the  old  Lexington  meeting-house. 

Cane  brought  from  England  about  1640.     Also  child's  shoes  of  ancient  date. 

Lexington  deeds  executed  in  1675,  ar>d  will  made  in  1701. 

Piece  of  linen  made  in  the  family  of  Lieut.  Samuel  Dakin  of  Lincoln,  during  the  war. 

Saddle-bags,  andirons,  and  skimmer,  formerly  used  in  Bedford. 

Two  silver  dollars  (1795  and  1798),  a  part  of  the  pension-money  paid  to  Benjamin  S.  Board- 
man,  a  soldier  in  the  battle  of  Lexington. 

Gun  taken  from  British  soldier  by  the  same. 

Gun  and  canteen  used  in  the  battle  of  Lexington. 

Cartouche-box  taken  from  a  dead  British  soldier  on  the  evening  of  April  19;  stains  of 
blood  still  visible  on  the  belt. 

Sword  used  by  John  Paul  Jones,  of  "  The  Bon  Homme  Richard." 

Oil-painting  of  the  Lexington  Parsonage,  built  1698. 

Cannon-ball  (twelve-pounder)  ploughed  up  at  Bunker  Hill. 

Embroidered  blanket  in  which  Samuel  Adams  received  infant  baptism,  September,  1722. 
"  Descended  in  the  line  of  the  Marys." 

Portrait  of  Paul  Revere,  by  Stuart. 

Old  parish  record-book,  bound  in  vellum,  containing  names  of  the  Lexington  men  who  fell, 
"  Killed  by  the  King's  troops,"  in  the  handwriting  of  Rev.  Jonas  Clark. 

Framed  copy  of  despatches  sent  by  courier  to  Philadelphia,  announcing  the  outbreak  of  hos 
tilities  at  Lexington.  Original  in  the  possession  of  the  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society. 

Original  tongue  of  the  parish  bell  that  gave  the  alarm  on  the  morning  of  the  igth. 

Brace  of  pistols,  silver  mounted  and  elaborately  chased,  used  by  Major  Pitcairn  on  Lexing 
ton  Common. 

9 

These  famous  pistols  were  brought  to  Lexington  on  the  day  of  the  cele 
bration  by  the  Rev.  S.  I.  Prime,  D.D.,  of  New  York,  They  were  examined 
with  the  greatest  interest  by  the  president  and  cabinet,  and  a  large  number 
invited  guests.  Their  history  is  uncommonly  full  and  authentic.  After 


LEXINGTON  MEDAL.  131 

having  been  fired  by  Pitcairn  on  Lexington  Common,  before  any  other  fire-arm 
was  used,  they  accompanied  their  owner  to  Concord.  On  the  return  of  the 
British  through  Lexington,  early  in  the  afternoon,  a  severe  skirmish  took 
place  about  a  mile  and  a  quarter  west  of  the  village,  at  Fiske's  Hill,  where 
Major  Pitcairn  was  conspicuously  engaged  in  directing  the  movements  of  the 
troops.  A  party  of  minute-men  fired  at  him  from  behind  a  pile  of  rails.  The 
major  fell  wounded;  and  his  horse,  having  lost  its  rider,  ran  over  the  fields,  and 
was  captured  by  one  of  the  Provincials,  and  taken  to  Concord. 

Subsequently  the  horse  and  the  accoutrements  were  sold  at  auction.  Capt. 
Nathan  Barrett  purchased  the  holsters  and  pistols,  marked  with  Pitcairn's 
name,  and  offered  them  to  Gen.  Washington,  who  declined  them. 

They  were  afterwards  presented  to  Gen.  Putnam,  who  valued  them  very 
highly,  and  carried  them  through  the  remainder  of  his  active  service  in  the 
war. 

They  descended  in  the  family,  and  became  the  property  of  the  general's 
grandson,  the  late  John  P.  Putnam  of  Cambridge,  N.Y.,  whose  widow  placed 
them  in  the  custody  of 'her  friend  Dr.  Prime  for  exhibition  at  Lexington. 
The  secretary  of  war  is  making  an  effort  to  obtain  them  for  the  museum  of 
the  War  Department.  A  small  pen-and-ink  sketch  of  these  pistols  appears 
among  the  illustrations  of  Lexington  at  the  end  of  this  volume 


FAC-SIMILE   OF   THE   LEXINGTON    MEDAL. 


The  obverse  of  this  medal  shows  the  design  of  the  town  seal.  On  the 
shield  stands  a  minute-man,  with  musket  and  powder-horn,  watching  for  the 
approach  of  the  enemy.  His  coat  is  thrown  over  his  arm  ;  his  house  is  seen 
in  the  distance ;  his  plough  and  oxen  are  standing  in  the  furrow. 

On  the  left,  in  exergue,  is  the  date  of  the  first  settlement  of  the  town,  at 
that  time  a  precinct  of  Cambridge. 

On  the  right  is  the  date  of  the  incorporation  of  Lexington  as  a  separate 
town. 

Above  the  shield,  radiant,  is  the  date  that  brought  fame  to  Lexington,  and 
liberty  to  America. 


132  LEXINGTON  CENTENNIAL. 

The  device  in  the  circle  is  the  patriotic  exclamation  of  Samuel  Adams, 
uttered  on  the  morning  of  the  iQth,  when  he  had  gone  with  Hancock,  and 
one  or  two  other  friends,  to  the  wooded  eminence  overlooking  the  village 
green  where  the  British  bayonets  were  gleaming. 

On  the  reverse,  the  medal  bears  the  inscription  of  the  event  in  honor  of 
which  it  was  struck. 

By  vote  of  the  Centennial  committee,  each  of  the  prominent  guests  who 
assisted  in  the  exercises  of  the  day  was  presented  with  one  of  these  medals 
in  silver  or  bronze. 


THE    EVENING. 

After  the  exercises  at  the  dinner,  the  president  and  other  guests  were 
entertained  by  different  citizens  of  Lexington  at  their  houses. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  afternoon,  the  stream  of  people  began  to  turn 
towards  Boston.  Every  train  went  loaded  to  its  utmost  capacity,  even  the 
tops  of  the  cars  being  crowded.  By  the  departure  of  carriages  and  pedes 
trians,  the  streets  gradually  became  more  passable,  and  the  day  closed  without 
a  single  accident  to  mar  its  pleasure.  Very  little  rowdyism  or  drunkenness 
was  seen.  Indeed,  the  orderly  conduct  of  the  masses  of  the  people,  gathered 
here  that  day,  speaks  volumes  for  the  ample  good  nature  and  personal  self- 
respect  of  an  American  crowd. 

The  inhabitants  of  Lexington,  almost  without  exception,  opened  their 
houses  freely  to  the  public ;  and,  in  many  instances,  hundreds  of  strangers 
were  entertained  and  fed  gratuitously  by  a  single  family. 

The  public  festivities  were  concluded  by  a  grand  levee  and  ball  in  the  even 
ing. 

The  large  pavilion,  with  its  graceful  canopy  of  flags  and  streamers,  was  bril 
liantly  lighted  with  gas,  and  adorned  with  the  choicest  flowers  and  plants. 
Excellent  music  was  furnished  by  Brown's  Brigade  Band  and  the  Germania 
orchestra.  The  president,  accompanied  by  the  gentlemen  of  his  cabinet,  held 
a  formal  reception  under  the  palmetto,*  near  one  of  the  statues,  giving  all 

*  This  tree  attracted  more  attention  probably  than  any  other  decoration  in  the  tent. 
Throughout  the  day  and  evening  it  was  inspected  with  £ager  interest  by  thousands.  An 
other  palmetto,  much  taller,  stood  outside,  near  the  triumphal  arch.  Both  of  these  graceful 
trees  were  sent  to  Lexington  through  the  kindness  of  Capt.  William  A.  Courtenay,  late 
commander  of  the  Washington  Light  Infantry  of  Charlestown,  S.C.  They  were  forwarded 
gratuitously  by  steamer  to  New  York,  and  thence  by  the  Metropolitan  line  to  Boston.  One 
of  them  will  be  preserved  as  a  relic  in  the  Town  Hall. 

Another  present  from  the  same  source  was  a  large  package  of  palmetto  leaves.  These 
were  split -up,  and  worn  in  button-holes  and  rifles,  by  the  members  of  the  Ancient  and 


THE  EVENING.  133 

who  desired  an  opportunity  of  being  presented.  The  pavilion  was  comforta 
bly  filled  with  ladies  and  gentlemen,  promenading  in  evening  dress,  most  of 
whom,  through  the  courtesy  of  the  marshal,  had  the  pleasure  of  shaking 
hands  with  the  chief-magistrate  of  the  nation.  The  minute-men  attracted 
much  attention  by  their  soldierly  bearing  as  well  as  by  the  elegance  and 
qnaintness  of  their  uniform. 

Distinguished  officials  and  guests  from  various  parts  of  the  country  were 
attended  by  gentlemen  of  the  committee  and  others,  and  introduced  to  the 
ladies,  whose  presence  in  such  large  numbers  added  an  indispensable  charm 
to  the  pleasure  and  brilliancy  of  the  occasion. 

About  ten  o'clock,  the  president  and  suite  quietly  left  the  pavilion,  and,  by 
request  of  our  citizens,  proceeded  to  plant  a  young  elm  on  the  common,  near 
the  main  entrance.  The  streets  were  now  deserted,  the  full  moon  was  shin 
ing  brightly  upon  the  scene,  and  the  air  was  perfectly  still.  The  only  wit 
nesses  of  this  interesting  ceremony,  besides  the  presidential  party,  were  the 
governor  of  South  Carolina,  the  chief-marshal,  the  president  of  the  day,  and 
one  or  two  of  the  Lexington  committee  acting  as  escort. 

The  president  remarked  that  no  feature  in  the  exercises  of  the  day  had 
given  him  more  pleasure  than  that. 

May  this  little  tree,  planted  on  this  memorable  occasion,  strike  deep  its 
roots,  and  throw  out  its  branches  under  the  fostering  care  of  the  people  of 
Lexington ;  so  that  when  the  next  centennial  shall  bring  other  multitudes  to 
the  old  shrine  of  liberty,  they  may  pause  under  its  shade,  and  rejoice  with 
patriotic  pride,  that,  during  the  growth  of  this  memorial  tree,  the  country 
has  made  equal  progress  in  all  the  elements  that  corlstitute  a  nation's  great 
ness  ! 

After  rendering  this  last  official  service,  the  president  and  party  repaired  to 
a  neighboring  house  to  enjoy  the  luxury  of  a  good  fire  for  a  few  minutes;  and 
then,  about  half-past  ten  o'clock,  they  took  carriages  for  Boston. 

The  ball  continued  to  a  late  hour ;  and  trains  and  carriages  were  leaving 
with  guests  through  a  greater  part  of  the  night. 

Honorable  Artillery  Company.  We  are  happy  to  add  that  these  significant  tokens  of  good 
will  from  our  friends  in  the  South  have  touched  the  hearts  of  the  people,  and  produced  a 
feeling  of  fraternal  regard  between  the  different  sections  of  the  country  which  we  sincerely 
hope  may  be  perpetual. 


SERVICES  ON  SUNDAY,  THE  EIGHTEENTH. 


SUNDAY  SERVICES. 


ON  the  day  preceding  an  event  of  such  magnitude  as  we  have  described 
in  the  foregoing  pages,  there  must  of  necessity  be  an  unusual  amount  of 
excitement  and  bustle. 

It  was  the  endeavor  of  the  committee,  however,  to  have  all  the  contract 
work  done  by  Saturday  night,  if  possible,  in  order  that  the  quiet  of  the  Sab 
bath  need  not  be  unnecessarily  disturbed.  And  it  is  gratifying  to  be  able  to 
record  that  their  wishes  in  this  respect  were  faithfully  carried  out ;  so  that, 
when  the  sun  arose  on  the  morning  of  the  i8th,  the  tents  and  decorations 
were  completed,  the  dinner-tables  were  laid,  and  the  common  with  its  white 
wavy  folds  of  canvas,  surmounted  by  a  profusion  of  flags,  mottoes,  and 
streamers,  floating  in  the  air,  presented  a  gala  scene  such  as  had  never  before 
been  witnessed  in  this  ancient  town. 

During  the  forenoon,  great  numbers  of  strangers  were  seen  in  the  streets  ; 
and  the  churches  were  largely  attended,  it  being  understood  that  the  services 
would  have  special  reference  to  the  great  occasion. 

We  take  pleasure  in  giving  abstracts  of  some  of  the  sermons  :  — 

at  tfje  Unitarian  Cfjutcf), 

Rev.  Henry  Westcott,  the  pastor,  preached  from  the  text,  "  Blessed  is  the 
nation  whose  God  is  the  Lord"  (Ps.  xxxiii.  12).  After  reviewing  some  facts 
in  the  early  history  of  our  country,  Mr.  Westcott  said,  "  It  was  the  purpose  of 
true  Pilgrim  Fathers  to  found  on  these  shores  a  Christian  nation.  Their 
children,  and  their  children's  children,  were  imbued  with  the  same  religious 
spirit.  Not  only  did  the  nation  have  its  root  in  religion ;  but  every  branch 
which  pushed  out  into  the  wilderness,  bore  on  it  the  bud  which  was  to  unfold 
into  a  church.  Thus  it  was  in  the  settlement  of  Lexington,  then  called 
Cambridge  Farms.  The  inhabitants  at  first  went  down  to  the  settlement  at 
Old  Cambridge  to  worship ;  but,  as  soon  as  the  number  of  families  was  large 
enough  to  make  a  church  of  themselves,  there  was  a  petition  to  be  considered 

18  137 


138  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

as  a  distinct  parish.  It  was  the  church  idea,  the  need  of  worship,  which  first 
suggested  the  thought  of  separation  from  the  parent  town. 

"  Subsequently,  when  the  controversy  arose  with  Great  Britain/the  people  of 
the  colony  felt  that  their  cause  was  one  in  which  the  Supreme  Ruler  had  an 
interest.  The  questions  at  issue  were  freely  discussed  in  the  pulpit.  The 
fire  of  patriotism,  which  burned  so  brightly  in  the  hearts  of  the  people,  was 
kindled  by  a  coal  from  the  altar  of  God.  There  is  no  name  connected  with  Lex 
ington  that  better  deserves  honorable  mention  at  this  centennial  anniversary 
than  that  of  the  Rev.  Jonas  Clark,  who  was  pastor  of  this  ancient  parish  from 
the  day  of  his  ordination,  Nov.  5,  1755,  to  that  of  his  death,  Nov.  15,  1805,  a 
period  of  over  fifty  years. 

"  Probably  no  one  understood  the  questions  at  issue  between  the  colonies 
and  the  mother  country  better  than  he.  And  his  people  received  the  benefit 
of  his  statesmanship,  both  in  the  pulpit  and  in  the  town  meetings,  long  before 
the  actual  outbreak  of  hostilities ;  so  that  they  were  ready  for  the  struggle 
when  it  came,  and  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  reasons  on  which  the  duty 
of  resistance  was  founded.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  men  who 
assembled  on  Lexington  Green,  on  the  eventful  morning  of  the  iQth  of  April, 
were  there  to  make  a  practical  application  of  the  doctrine  which  they  had 
heard  enforced  in  the  church.  They  went  into  the  war  confident  that  their 
cause  was  just,  and  that  the  God  of  their  fathers  would  not  forsake  them. 

"On  several  important  occasions,  sermons  have  been  preached  in  this  town 
from  the  text,  '  Hitherto  hath  the  Lord  helped  us.'  And  now,"  said  Mr. 
Westcott,  "  have  we  any  of  that  old  faith  of  our  forefathers  left  ?  Have  we  any 
faith  that  God  cares  for  this  nation  ?  The  chosen  nation  is  the  nation  which 
keeps  the  divine  laws ;  and  God  blesses  nations  for  obedience.  National 
strength  is  the  result  of  obedience,  and  national  weakness  is  the  result  of 
disobedience.  If  we  ask  ourselves  what  will  be  the  future  of  our  country,  let 
us  remember  that  we  are  not  a  chosen  nation  now,  merely  because  we  had  the 
Pilgrims  for  our  fathers.  We  can  see  how  their  virtues  made  them  strong ; 
and,  unless  we  have  similar  virtues,  we  cannot  rely  upon  our  ancestors  for 
national  strength  to-day. 

"If  there  is  any  thing  at  which  thoughtful  men  may  feel  alarmed  to-day,  it  is 
the  neglect  of  those  stern  virtues  of  our  fathers  which  many  now  affect  to 
despise.  Our  continued  prosperity  depends  now,  as  ever,  on  placing  men  in 
office  who  possess  the  principles  which  Christianity  inculcates. 

"This  celebration  will  be  unworthy  of  this  people,  unless  it  inspires  us  with 
more  of  that  spirit  of  dependence  upon  God  which  our  fathers  had,  and  with 
out  which  we  cannot  expect  to  be  the  nation  whose  God  is  the  Lord."  * 

*  This  discourse  has  since  been  published  in  pamphlet  form,  with  two  others  upon  the  same  gen 
eral  subject. 


SUNDAY    SERVICES.  139 

3tt  tfje  Cfyurcf)  of  tfyr  ISrtjcrmcr, 

Rev.  E.  S.  Elder  preached  upon  the  progress  of  civilization  as  affected  by 
certain  events.  "  The  history  of  mankind  can  be  traced,  from  the  earliest 
times  to  our  own  day,  as  one  progressive  movement. 

"Beginning  with  the  old  Asiatic  civilization,  and  passing  down  through  the 
Greek,  Roman,  and  Anglo-Saxon  periods,  we  find  that  each  nation  has  con 
tributed  something  to  the  life  of  to-day. 

"  With  the  decline  of  the  Roman  empire,  a  new  civilization  began,  crude 
and  barbarous  at  first,  but  endowed  with  the  potency  of  something  better  than 
had  gone  before.  The  feudal  system  gave  the  strong  power  over  the  weak. 
But  the  invention  of  gunpowder  changed  the  relation,  so  that  brute  force  was 
no  longer  sovereign.  Intelligence  gained  the  mastery.  The  bulwark  of 
English  liberty  has  for  centuries  been  the  great  charter  which  the  barons 
wrested  from  King  John.  At  that  time  all  rights,  titles,  and  privileges  were 
derived  from  the  one  man,  the  pope,  the  emperor,  or  the  king.  The  people 
were  the  servants  of  the  ruler.  The  many  were  governed  by  the  few,  both 
in  Church  and  State. 

"  With  the  invention  of  printing,  a  new  impulse  was  given  to  civilization. 
The  people  became  more  intelligent,  and  naturally  more  independent.  The 
Saxon  and  the  Anglo-Saxon  races  would  no  longer  submit  to  the  excessive 
claims  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  Hence,  with  the  great  Reformation  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  a  new  era  began.  The  Protestants  of  Europe  insisted  that 
the  Bible,  as  interpreted  by  themselves,  should  constitute  their  only  rule  of 
faith  and  practice. 

"  The'  Church  of  England,  supported  by  its  alliance  with  the  civil  power, 
required  conformity  to  certain  usages,  under  penalty  of  imprisonment  or  death. 
Consequently,  for  the  Puritanical  minority  that  clung  firmly  to  their  convic 
tions,  there  remained  but  one  hope.  Perhaps  in  the  forests  of  America  they 
would  be  allowed  to  follow  the  dictates  of  their  own  consciences.  Inspired 
by  an  earnest  purpose,  ignorant  of  the  dangers  and  hardships  to  which  they 
would  be  exposed,  and  never  dreaming  of  the  results  that  would  flow  from 
their  endeavors,  our  fathers  left  the  Old  World  for  the  New,  not  as  conquerors 
or  lords,  but  as  men.  They  brought  with  them  the  principles  of  self-govern 
ment,  and  liberty  of  thought. 

"  The  settlement  of  New  England  by  such  men  constitutes  one  of  the  land 
marks  in  the  progressive  movement  of  humanity  from  barbarism  toward 
civilization. 

"  During  all  our  colonial  history,  the  people  of  New  England  claimed  to  be 
loyal  subjects  of  the  crown;  and  it  was  not  until  their  rights  had  been  invaded 
by  oppressive  taxation  without  representation,  that  they  determined  upon 
resistance. 


140  LEXINGTON   CENTENNIAL. 

"  The  citizens  of  Lexington  shared  the  opinions  then  becoming  prevalent 
throughout  the  colony,  as  is  seen  by  their  patriotic  response  to  the  Appeal 
of  Boston  in  1773. 

"  On  the  igth  of  April,  1775,  they  made  their  promise  good.  The  men  who 
stood  on  Lexington  Common,  in  the  early  dawn  that  day,  were  the  represen 
tatives  of  an  idea,  the  establishment  of  which  in  the  laws  of  the  land  would 
usher  in  the  dawn  of  a  new  era  in  human  history.  When  we  consider  the 
motives  by  which  the  colonists  were  actuated,  and  the  ideas  for  which  they 
took  up  arms,  and  when  we  look  back  over  these  one  hundred  years  of  pop 
ular  government,  is  it  too  much  to  claim  that  the  event  we  are  now  cele 
brating  marks  an  epoch  in  the  progress  of  mankind  ? 

"And  the  principles  which  have  been  so  clearly  demonstrated  here  will  be 
an  incentive  to  other  nations  in  their  endeavor  to  secure  that  freedom  which 
has  been  granted  to  us. 

".All  events,  persons,  movements,  revolutions,  are  to  be  measured  not  by 
numbers  or  any  external  accident,  but  by  the  soul-power  of  which  they  are 
the  expression.  To  die  in  a  noble  cause  is  to  endear  that  cause  to  human 
hearts,  and  thus  prepare  the  way  for  its  success.  The  red  letter  days  in  human 
history  are  those  in  which  some  one  man,  or  a  few  men,  in  self-forgetting  devo 
tion  to  a  principle,  have  suffered,  have  been  defeated,  that  the  truth  might 
conquer,  and  that  humanity  might  be  blessed.  This  is  the  power  of  God  saving 
the  world. 

"The/w/  is  secure  :  what  of  the  future?  It  is  not  enough  that  we  admire 
the  virtues  that  made  the  experiment  of  our  fathers  a  success. 

"  The  prosperity  of  our  government  will  continue  only  so  long  as  the.  virtues 
by  which  its  foundations  were  laid  shall  exist  among  the  people.  Our  coun 
try's  welfare  still  demands  of  all  the  people  the  same  intelligence,  the  same 
moral  purpose,  the  same  unfaltering  devotion  to  principle,  that  made  the 
American  patriots  the  benefactors  of  humanity." 

at  tfje  Baptist  Cfjurdj, 

Rev.  John  Pryor,  D.D.,  made  appropriate  reference  in  his  sermon  to  the 
event  which  so  largely  engrossed  the  public  mind,  and  which  must  always 
find  expression  in  Lexington  pulpits  when  the  day  of  its  memorial  returns. 

at  tfje  Hancock  Cljurcfj, 

The  pastor  was  assisted  in  the  morning  by  the  Rev.  William  A.  Stearns, 
D.D.,  President  of  Amherst  College,  a  native  of  the  adjoining  town  of  Bed 
ford.  Dr.  Stearns  preached  from  the  text,  "Honor  all  men"  (i  Pet.  ii.  17). 
"  This  precept  is  at  the  foundation  of  all  civil  and  religious  liberty.  It  is  the 
underlying  principle  of  our  own  independence  and  free  institutions.  Imply- 


SUNDAY    SERVICES,  141 

ing  that  man,  as  man,  is  worthy  of  honor,  it  serves  to  justify  that  armed 
resistance  to  political  oppression  which  commenced  on  this  spot  one  hundred 
years  ago,  and  which  you  will  commemorate  to-morrow. 

"  The  reason  why  all  men  should  be  honored  is  found  in  their  true  greatness 
and  worth. 

"  We  see  man's  greatness  in  his  nature,  in  his  capacities  and  achievements, 
in  his  moral  character,  and  in  the  mystery  of  his  being. 

"  Therefore  should  we  not  respect  ourselves  ?  Should  not  our  character  and 
our  conduct  be  worthy  of  us  ?  The  children  of  a  king  should  be  kingly. 
Capabilities  of  elevation  imply  corresponding  capabilities  of  degradation. 

"  Man's  nature,  man's  destiny,  man  as  man,  demands  respect.  He  may  be 
low  in  the  scale,  but  he  is  man.  Take  the  weakest :  he  is  one  of  the  brother 
hood.  Take  the  vilest  :  he  is  God's  offspring,  and,  as  such,  capable  of  redemp 
tion.  There  are  inferior  grades  all  around  us :  they  may  become  our  superiors 
within  a  single  century.  The  subject  has  also  a  political  application.  Gov 
ernment  is  divinely  intended  not  only  for  rulers  and  superior  classes,  but  for 
the  good  of  all.  We  should  respect  men,  whoever  they  may  be,  respect  their 
manhood,  even  when  broken  down  by  sin  ;  respect  their  feelings,  their  reputa 
tion,  their  social  and  political  rights,  and,  above  all,  their  immortal  well-being. 
Let  us  throw  the  strong  arms  of  our  faith  around  this  great,  suffering  world, 
and  lift  it,  so  far  as  we  can,  to  a  higher  and  more  Christian  civilization,  and  to 
the  spiritual  grandeur  and  greatness  that  belongs  to  it." 

In  the  afternoon,  the  Rev.  Alexander  McKenzie  of  Cambridge  preached  at 
the  same  church  from  Isa.  i.  26:  "And  I  will  restore  thy  judges  as  at  the  first, 
and  thy  counsellors  as  at  the  beginning :  afterward  thou  shalt  be  called,  The 
city  of  righteousness,  the  faithful  city." 

"  One  hundred  years  ago  to-day,"  said  Mr.  McKenzie,  "  there  was  an  un 
wonted  excitement  in  this  neighborhood.  Men  were  waiting  and  watching ; 
others  were  moving  hurriedly  to  and  fro.  Boston  was  held  by  British  troops, 
and  in  the  harbor  were  fourteen  vessels  of  war.  That  same  year.  President 
Langdon  of  Harvard  College  preached  before  the  Colonial  Congress,  from  the 
words  which  I  have  chosen  for  our  text  to-day. 

"  We  look  back  after  a  century,  and  praise  the  judges  of  that  day,  and  pray 
for  more  like  them.  They  were  unlike  in  many  things  ;  yet  one  voice  praises 
them. 

"  I.  They  were  well  born.  Not  of  royal  blood,  yet  their  ancestry  was  noble. 
English  integrity,  love  of  liberty,  firmness  of  principle,  readiness  to  dare,  to 
suffer,  to  die  in  a  just  cause,  —  all  this  had  made  the  name  of  Puritan  illus 
trious. 

"II.  They  were  well  educated.  Their  fathers  had  founded  Harvard  College, 
where  Adams  and  Hancock  and  Warren  were  trained  for  their  work.  They 


142  LEXINGTON  CENTENNIAL. 

knew  English  history,  and  were  familiar  with  the  names  of  Hampden  and 
Eliot,  and  Pym  and  Sydney,  and  Hooper  and  Winthrop. 

"III.  They  possessed  personal  traits  which  fitted  them  for  their  work. 
They  were  good  men  and  prudent.  They  knew  their  duties  and  rights,  and 
they  respected  themselves.  They  were  enthusiastic,  self-forgetful,  brave. 

"IV.  They  were  loyal  men.  They  honored  the  king;  and  even  after  the 
iQth  of  April  they  cherished  the  hope  of  an  amicable  settlement  with  the 
mother-country.  They  did  not  at  first  fight  for  independence,  but  only  for 
freedom.  Washington,  Warren,  Langdon,  all  hoped  that  England  and  Amer 
ica  might  grow  together  like  the  oak  and  the  ivy.  But,  strong  as  was  their 
fealty  to  the  English  king,  their  love  of  liberty  was  stronger.  Gradually  but 
surely,  as  their  eyes  were  opened  to  the  real  necessities  of  their  condition, 
they  threw  off  the  shackles,  and  became  independent. 

"  V.  To  crown  all  the  rest,  they  were  religious  men.  It  is  easy  to  frame  the 
creed  to  which  they  gave  their  assent.  They  believed  in  God  and  the  Bible, 
in  prayer,  in  their  own  responsibility,  in  virtue  and  religion.  The  Bible  had 
been  the  constitution  of  their  fathers,  and  they  had  ever  regarded  it  as  the 
lamp  of  life. 

"  The  violation  of  the  Lord's  Day  by  the  British  soldiers  was  the  cause  of 
formal  complaint  to  their  commanders.  They  hallowed  all  their  meetings  in 
Fanueil  Hall  and  in  the  Old  South  by  prayer." 

The  sermon  closed  with  an  extended  sketch  of  Samuel  Adams,  who  nobly 
represented  the  character  and  patriotism  of  the  men  of  1775. 


CENTENNIAL   SERVICES   IN   THE   EVENING. 

The  Executive  Committee  had  made  extensive  preparations  for  a  grand 
memorial  service  to  be  held  in  the  pavilion  on  Sunday  evening,  as  an  appro 
priate  introduction  to  the  celebration  of  the  iQth.  They  had  invited  a  dis 
tinguished  preacher  from  New  York,  a  native  of  this  vicinity,  and  had  notified 
the  public  through  the  press.  Long  before  sunset  the  streets  were  full  of 
people  coming  from  all  the  neighboring  towns,  by  train  or  carriage,  to  attend 
this  service.  , 

At  a  late  hour  in  the  afternoon  it  became  necessary  to  change  the  place  of 
meeting,  on  account  of  the  chilly  state  of  the  atmosphere;  and  the  town  hall  was 
opened,  instead  of  the  pavilion.  In  a  short  time  the  people  congregated  in 
such  numbers  as  to  fill  the  hall  long  before  the  hour  appointed.  Thousands 
were  refused  admission.  To  accommodate  this  surplus  gathering,  it  was  an 
nounced  that  the  pavilion  would  be  opened  and  lighted  through  the  evening, 


SUNDAY    SERVICES.  143 

and  that  the  Brockton  Band  would  play  a  choice  selection  of  pieces  appropri 
ate  to  the  occasion. 

This  arrangement  was  gratifying  to  a  large  number  of  people,  who  gladly 
availed  themselves  of  the  opportunity  both  of  inspecting  the  beautiful  decora 
tions  of  the  tent,  and  of  hearing  the  music,  which  was  highly  creditable  to 
the  well-known  band  that  generously  volunteered  its  services. 

At  the  hall  all  the  seats  and  passage-ways  on  the  floor  and  in  the  gallery 
were  completely  filled. 

The  spacious  platform  was  occupied  by  the  officiating  clergymen,  and  the 
Lexington  chorus  of  fifty  voices.  Rev.  E.  G.  Porter  presided,  and  introduced 
the  various  parts  of  the  service  as  follows  :  — 


IDcum  3Laufoamus. 
Enb0catf0n. 

©loria. 

of  the  Scriptures. 

ftjgntn. 

Written  for  the  occasion,  by  S.  F.  SMITH,  D.D. 
TUNE,  —  Savannah, 

THOU,  God  of  nations,  wast,  in  battle's  hour, 
Our  Shield,  our  Strength,  our  Helper,  and  our  Tower: 
O'er  all  our  paths  thy  sheltering  wings  were  spread ; 
Our  feet,  through  all  the  years,  thy  wisdom  led. 

Joy  from  each  grief,  and  strength  from  trials  grew ; 
God  wrought  our  blessings  from  the  woes  we  knew ; 
Taught  us,  by  him  preserved,  in  him  to  stand, 
And  made  us  walk  in  freedom's  promised  land. 

So  round  the  oak  the  tempests  drive  and  beat,  — 
Winter's  stern  blasts  and  summer's  fervid  heat ; 
Time's  mighty  clock  counts  off  its  hundred  years,  — 
Its  verdant  beauty  still  the  monarch  wears. 

As  on  the  ages  roll  in  solemn  sweep, 
With  pillared  cloud  and  fire  our  pathways  keep; 
O'er  all  the  land  we  love,  in  glory  shine  : 
Thine  is  the  work,  the  praise  be  ever  thine  ! 


144  LEXINGTON  CENTENNIAL. 


©teat  anli 

Sermon. 


Written  for  the  occasion,  by  I.  N.  TARBOX,  D.D. 
TUNE,  —  Coronation. 

The  place  we  tread  is  holy  ground, 

Since  that  far  April  morn, 
When,  out  of  storm  and  battle  sound, 

A  mighty  hope  was  born. 

We  wander  o'er  these  ancient  ways, 

And  trace  the  bloody  track  : 
Once  more  the  old  heroic  days 

In  happy  thoughts  come  back. 

And  unto  God  we  lift  our  song, 

Who  made  our  fathers  bold, 
Bore  up  their  hearts  with  courage  strong, 

Through  those  dark  days  of  old. 

And  by  his  work,  in  them  inwrought, 

He  gave  fair  freedom  sway, 
Till  a  great  people  now  is  brought 

To  keep  its  festal  day. 

JJnufeictfon. 


SERMON.  145 


SERMON, 

BY    THE    REV.    WILLIAM    ADAMS,    D.D. 

"  Remember  the  days  of  old,  consider  the  years  of  many  generations :  ask  thy  father,  and  he  will  show  thee  ;  thy  elders,  and 

they  will  tell  thee."  —  DEUT.  xxxii.  7. 

NEVER  were  words  more  appropriate  than  are  these  to  ourselves  in  the  cir 
cumstances  in  which  we  are  now  assembled.  We  have  met  together  for  the 
express  purpose  of  recalling  the  faith  and  valor  of  our  fathers.  We  are  filled 
with  awe  when  reminded  that  we  stand  over  the  very  sod  which  drank  the 
first  blood  in  the  great  struggle  which  made  these  United  States  of  America 
an  independent  nation.  The  actors  in  that  memorable  scene  have  long  since 
passed  from  the  world  ;  but,  being  dead,  they  still  speak.  The  names  of  the 
men  who  fell  on  Lexington  Common  were  carved  in  granite  by  order  of  the 
grateful  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts,  in  the  last  year  of  the  last  century. 
The  granite  monument  may  crumble  to  dust ;  but  the  posthumous  influence  of 
our  martyred  ancestors  will  be  felt  throughout  the  world  till  the  heavens  be 
no  more.  Some  of  us  have  seen  the  venerable  forms  of  men  who  took  part  in 
our  Revolutionary  War,  and  have  heard  them  recite  the  details  of  those  event 
ful  days.  Though  we  cannot  any  more  listen  to  the  tale  as  it  fell  from  their 
lips,  we  can  rehearse  their  deeds,  and  consider  those  magnificent  results  which 
have  proceeded  from  their  heroism.  So  with  filial  reverence  and  with  grati 
tude  to  Almighty  God  are  we  gathered  about  the  very  head-spring  of  a  stream 
which  already  has  run  so  far,  and  is  destined  to  swell  into  so  vast  a  flood. 

It  was  on  the  evening  of  the  i8th  of  April,  1775,  just  one  century  from  this 
hour,  that  a  detachment  of  British  troops  set  forth  from  Boston  on  their  march 
to  this  town,  causing  as  by  a  spark  that  explosion  of  smothered  indignation 
which  sent  its  reverberations  over  the  whole  continent.  The  centennial  anni 
versary  of  that  event  occurring  upon  the  Christian  sabbath,  it  has  seemed 
good  to  the  committee  in  charge  of  these  services  that  the  celebration  should 
begin  with  such  religious  lessons  as  might  be  expected  from  a  Christian  min 
ister.  This  would  not  seem  impertinent  to  any  who  recall  the  direct  influence 
of  the  ministry  in  the  scenes  and  events  which  we  now  commemorate.  It 
was  at  the  house  of  Rev.  Jonas  Clark,  the  pastor  of  this  town,  that  Samuel 
Adams  and  John  Hancock  met  on  that  eventful  night,  seeking  of  religion  her 

'9 


146  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

counsel  and  her  blessing.  The  day  following,  when  the  citizens  of  Concord 
rushed  to  arms,  their  minister,  Rev.  William  Emerson,  showed  himself  among 
them,  gun  in  hand,  to  cheer  and  help.  When,  a  few  weeks  later,  our  country 
men  were  about  to  march  from  Cambridge  Common  to  intrench  themselves 
on  Bunker  Hill,  prayer  was  offered  by  President  Langdon,  beneath  the  stars 
of  that  summer  night,  for  the  favor  of  Heaven  upon  the  solemn  procedure. 
Among  the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  stands  the  name  of  a 
clergyman,  John  Witherspoon,  the  representative  of  a  large  profession,  and  a 
patriot  true  and  brave  as  any  whose  hand  became  familiar  with  the  sword. 
Incidents  without  number  might  be  cited,  illustrating  the  influence  of  the 
ministers  of  religion  by  prayer  and  preaching  and  personal  presence  in  the 
council-chamber  and  on  the  field  of  battle,  giving  the  sanction  of  Heaven  to 
the  cause  of  patriotism,  and  inspiring  their  countrymen  with  more  than  native 
courage.  But  there  is  no  need  of  recalling  the  services  of  that  profession 
which  it  is  my  highest  honor  to  represent  on  this  occasion.  Unlike  the  clergy 
in  many  countries,  who  have  been  looked  upon  with  suspicion  and  distrust 
because  of  their  relations  to  systems  of  despotism,  ecclesiastical  and  civil,  the 
clergy  of  this  country,  as  an  order,  possessed  all  the  confidence  and  respect 
they  could  wish ;  because  throughout  the  Revolution,  and  the  adoption  of  the 
national  Constitution,  they  were  universally  regarded  as  among  the  foremost 
friends  of  true  liberty.  This  fact  by  itself  proves  that  there  were  religious 
elements  in  our  Revolution  which  distinguished  it  from  most  political  move 
ments,  and  which  invite  us  now  to  a  devout  religious  mention. 

Without  anticipating  any  of  those  historic  lessons  to  which  we  shall  listen 
on  the  morrow,  when  civic  processions  and  military  pageants  and  political 
officials  will  grace  the  celebration  of  our  American  Revolution  in  its  seculat 
aspects,  I  trust  I  shall  not  disoblige  you  if,  in  keeping  with  all  the  associations 
of  holy  time,  I  venture  upon  ground  less  frequently  trodden,  and  undertake  to 
present  some  of  the  religions  phases  of  that  great  event.  In  the  very  act  of 
making  this  announcement,  I  detect  myself  in  the  use  of  the  terms  "  secular" 
and  "  religious  "  in  the  way  of  a  distinction  which  carries  a  most  mischievous 
fallacy.  This  distinction  may  be  for  our  own  convenience,  just  as  we  divide 
the  one  great  ocean  encompassing  the  globe  into  seas  and  bays.  Let  us  not 
be  deceived  by  diagrams  used  only  to  facilitate  our  own  conceptions.  In  the 
last  induction,  all  things  are  religious  ;  by  which  I  mean  that  all  the  events  of 
time  and  history,  under  the  presidency  of  one  Mind,  borrow  their  importance 


SERMON.  147 

from  that  ultimate  object  which  religion  contemplates.  That  connection  may 
be  more  or  less  direct,  obvious,  and  intentional.  Some  events,  like  the  Prot 
estant  Reformation,  the  Commonwealth  of  England,  the  Covenants  of  Scot 
land,  and  the  Exodus  of  our  Pilgrim  Fathers,  spring  out  of  a  simple  religious 
motive.  Others,  having  no  religious  intention,  are  overruled  of  God  for  a 
religious  end.  It  is  the  arcanum  of  Providence  to  make  sin  the  instrument  of 
its  own  defeat,  causing  the  wrath  of  man  to  praise  him.  The  French  Revo 
lution,  that  caldron  of  frenzied  passions  we  should  say,  had  as  little  of  religion 
in  it  as  any  event  that  could  be  named  ;  but,  reviewed  from  this  distance  of 
time,  who  can  doubt  that  the  remarkable  man  then  thrown  to  the  surface  was, 
in  the  hand  of  God,  like  a  rod  of  iron,  dashing  in  pieces  those  old  despotisms 
which  had  so  long  smothered  the  life  and  hindered  the  progress  of  the  world  ? 
Short-sighted  as  we  are,  we  cannot  interpret  at  the  time  the  import  and  bear-, 
ing  of  particular  events  —  so  many  of  which  appear  to  be  adverse  —  on  the, 
general  result.  It  is  with  us  as  when  we  look  upon  a  machine  of  intricate 
construction,  the  wheels  of  which  fly  in  opposite  directions,  but  whose  com 
pound  motions  contribute  to  one  fabric  :  many  events  appear  to  us  disastrous 
and  incomprehensible  ;  but  the  assurance  given  us  by  religion  is,  that,  under 
the  control  of  Him  with  whom  a  thousand  years  are  but  as  one  day,  all  things 
work  together  for  the  furtherance  of  that  object  which  gives  to  time  all  its 
importance,  and  to  the  life  of  our  race  all  its  significance.  Can  we  define 
what  this  object  is  ?  If  we  cannot,  we  grope  in  the  dark.  If  we  cannot,  all 
the  movements  of  the  world  are  as  incoherent  as  the  leaves  which  the  Sibyl 
scattered  to  the  wind.  Lucretius,  the  Roman  knight,  confessed  his  ignorance 
of  all  final  causes  and  intentions.  But  we  do  not  stand  on  the  same  ground 
with  the  Pagan  Epicurean.  By  a  positive  revelation,  we  are  informed  for  what 
this  world  was  made,  and  to  what  all  its  events  are  tending.  The  teaching  of 
revealed  religion  on  this  point  is  the  end  of  all  philosophy,  and  the  highest  of 
all  sciences.  We  have  in  our  times  the  scientific  history  of  creation.  When 
science  has  analyzed  the  air,  the  light,  the  earth,  and  the  sea,  all  the  com 
ponent  parts  of  this  material  cosmos,  shall  she  stop  abruptly  at  any  link  in  the 
chain,  and  fail  to  press  the  inquiry,  What  is  the  ultimate  purpose  of  crea 
tion  itself?  Is  physical  science  to  displace  moral  science,  —  the  scaffold 
ing  to  be  magnified  above  the  building  ?  Congresses  convene,  issue  decla 
rations,  frame  constitutions,  organize  governments,  and  legislate  for  revenues 
and  commerce  and  manufactures  and  agriculture ;  but  are  these  ends,  or 


148  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

means  ?  Is  constitutional  government  an  ultimate  fact,  or  is  it  merely 
instrumental  to  a  higher  good  ?  The  youngest  of  my  auditors  would  answer 
that  no  government  is  an  end  to  itself,  but  every  government  was  designed 
for  the  welfare  of  its  citizens.  A  simple  answer,  we  should  say ;  but  very 
few  comprehend  half  the  deep  thought  which  the  words  imply.  That 
answer,  if  carried  into  execution,  would  revolutionize  in  an  instant  half  the 
governments  of  the  world.  But  we  have  not  yet  reached  the  last  induction. 
Wherein  does  man's  highest  welfare  consist  ?  Think  not  that  this  question 
belongs  exclusively  to  a  church  catechism  or  a  theological  thesis.  It  is  one 
of  pure  science,  and  is  inseparable  from  every  system  of  true  political  econ 
omy.  Unaided  and  alone  we  might  not  be  able  to  form  a  satisfactory  answer 
to  this  ultimate  question.  But  we  are  not  left  to  grapple  with  the  problem 
alone.  It  has  been  solved  to  the  comprehension  of  a  child  by  the  Author 
of  our  being.  That  object  which  our  Lord  counselled  from  the  Judaean 

mount,  that  all  men  should    make    their  first  and    foremost   pursuit  ;    that 

• 

very  object  which  He  has  formulated  in  the  first  petition  which  our  infant 
lips  were  taught  to  articulate,  "  Thy  kingdom  come  ; "  that  kingdom  which  is 
defined  in  Holy  Writ  as  righteousness,  and  love,  and  joy,  and  peace  ;  that  de 
scribes,  we  are  told,  the  purpose  for  which  this  world  was  created,  and  to  which 
all  the  revolutions  of  time  and  history  are  to  contribute  and  converge.  We 
are  always  prone  to  crowd  religion  into  an  obscure  domain,  to  confine  it  to 
sabbath  days  and  clergymen  and  sad  necessities  ;  when,  in  fact,  it  is  the  very 
life  of  our  race,  the  inspiration  of  all  good  and  great  deeds,  the  impulse  to 
progress,  the  avowed  end  and  object  of  this  world's  creation.  There  is  such  a 
thing  as  the  philosophy  of  history.  If  history  is  ever  to  be  to  us  any  thing 
more  than  a  congeries  of  detached  and  fragmentary  events,  then  must  we  fix 
upon  some  heliocentric  point  from  which  to  .view 

"  the  great  eternal  scheme 
Involving  all." 

The  cosmic  conception  which  Christianity  has.,  given  us  is  God  in  history,  and 
the  moral  perfection  and  blessedness  of  man  its  end.  This  conviction  has 
been  formulated  by  scientific  historiographers,  —  the  best  and  bravest  men  of 
our  species. 

When  the  National  Assembly  of  France  in   1789  issued  its  declaration  of 
rights,  unhappily  the  autocracy  of  man  was  made  its   central  idea,  and   God 


SERMON.  1 49 

was  exiled  from  his  own  creation.     How  the  supremacy  of  God  and  the  true 
autonomy  of  man  are  combined  in  blessed  harmony,  through  the  agency  of 
revealed  religion,  will  appear  ere  I  close  ;  but  our  whole  American  fabric  rests 
on  the  fundamental  principle,  God  the  centre  and  the  pivot,  and  man  person 
ally  related  to  him  in  true  loyalty.     This  is  a  truth  not  to  be  whispered  with 
bated  breath  in  the  way  of  an  apology.     We  stand  on  ground  where  it  should 
be  uttered  with  a  firm  and  full  voice  as  the  key-note  of  our  history.     The  very 
air  seems  to  be  filled  with  the  spirits  of  our  fathers,  smiling  upon  us  as  we 
make  the  announcement  that  the  Christian    religion  is  the  very  life  of  our 
American  nationality.     The  kingdom  of  God  among  men,  as  that  expression 
is  employed  by  inspiration,  is  no  vague  and  indefinite  object,  the  synonyme  of 
mysticism,  a  spiritual  aurora.     It  is  that  object  for  which  history  has   shifted 
all  its  scenes  and  personages.     It  is  that  imperial  dominion  in  which  equity 
and  charity  and  blessedness  at  length  shall  have  unquestioned  and  universal 
supremacy.     Inspired  Prophecy  beheld  it  through   the  gloom   of  many  ages  ; 
and  as  she  sang,  with  minstrelsy  that  has  charmed  the  world,  of  the  time  which 
was  sure  to  corns,  when  the  Prince  of  Peace  should  reign  from  the  rising  to 
the  setting  sun,  so  stirring  were  the  notes,  that  the  harps  of  heathen  bards 
responded  in  unconscious  vibration.    The  "Pollio"  of  Virgil  is  but  the  faintest 
and  feeblest  echo  of  the  sublime  predictions  of  the  Messiah,  by  the  Hebrew 
seer.      That  kingdom  of  the  Redeemer,  which  advancing   ages  have   been 
steadily  unfolding,  which  has  the  sure  word  of  God  as  the  pledge  and  promise 
of  its  ultimate  extension,  and  which  is  destined  to  confer  the  highest   happi 
ness  on  man,  — that  is  the  object  which  gives  unity  to  human  history  ;  which, 
notwithstanding   all   delays  and  reactions,  measures  the    importance    of  all 
eVents  ;  and  which,  ere  time  shall  end,  will  wake  those  songs  of  earth  and 
heaven  which  will  be  as  the  sound  of  many  waters. 

We  have  now  reached  a  point  where  it  is  pertinent  to  set  forth  the  ethical 
and  Christian  principles  which  were  at  work  in  our  Revolution,  and  which 
justify  that  whole  procedure  from  the  beginning  to  the  end.  The  word  "  rev 
olution  "  has  divers  associations  in  many  minds.  With  some  it  is  only  an 
object  of  terror  and  crime.  The  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  centuries  have 
been  prolific  in  revolutions,  some  of  which  were  like  tornadoes,  whose  path  is 
traced  by  devastation  and  ruin.  I  have  no  wish,  at  this  glad  and  grateful 
hour,  when  the  pine  and  the  palmetto  are  brought  together  to  beautify  our 
sanctuary,  to  introduce  one  word  which  might  tend  to  disturb  that  healing 


150  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

process  —  that  knitting  together  of  broken  tissues  —  in  which  all  parts  of  our 
country  ought  now  to  be  engaged.  But  I  see  not  how  it  is  possible  for  me  to. 
avoid  all  allusions  to  that  recent  attempt  to  revolutionize  our  own  govern 
ment,  from  the  terrible  effects  of  which  we  are  just  now  recovering  ;  inasmuch 
as  the  claim  was  made  at  home  and  abroad,  that  the  principles  at  work  in  this 
late  Rebellion  were  identical  with  those  which  prompted  the  American  Revo 
lution.  Was  the  failure  of  the  one,  and  the  success  of  the  other,  a  mere  acci 
dent  ?  Or  did  one  succeed  because  it  was  in  accordance  with,  and  the  other 
fail  because  it  was  in  opposition  to,  divine  laws  ?  I  have  undertaken  nothing 
less  than  to  expound  those  laws  of  Christian  ethics  which  justify  the  act  of 
our  fathers  in  overturning  the  government  under  which  they  were  born,  and 
which  at  the  same  time  frown  upon  and  censure  all  rebellions  and  revolutions 
which  are  gratuitous  and  unnecessary. 

Some  have  expressed  surprise  that  the  Bible  contains  so  little  of  specific 
instruction  concerning  civil  government,  who  afterward,  upon  a  more  copious 
induction  of  facts,  have  felt  a  grateful  surprise  that  it  contains  so  much. 

First  of  all,  revelation  asserts  that  government  is  a  divine  ordinance. 
"  The  powers  that  be  are  ordained  of  God.  Whosoever,  therefore,  resisteth 
the  power  resisteth  the  ordinance  of  God."  Here  is  a  doctrine  set  forth  by 
Christ  and  his  apostles,  which  disposes  of  all  those  theories  broached  by 
visionary  men  like  Rousseau,  representing  civil  government  to  be  a  mere 
"social  compact,"  the  creation  of  individual  wills.  It  is  not  of  man's  choice 
that  he  is  born  a  subject  of  government,  any  more  than  that  he  is  born  a 
member  of  the  family.  The  family  is  not  more  a  divine  organization  than  is 
the  state.  Civil  government  —  I  speak  not  yet  of  its  form  —  is  an  absolute 
necessity  in  some  form,  and  so  is  to  be  pronounced  a  divine  ordinance.  With 
out  it,  civilized  society  is  an  impossibility.  Anarchy,  the  absence  of  all  gov 
ernment,  every  man  doing  what  is  right  in  his  own  eyes,  could  it  be  realized, 
would  be  the  most  frightful  condition  that  the  imagination  could  conceive. 
Government  is  a  most  beneficent  institution  for  human  protection  and  welfare. 
The  best  definition  of  the  true  design  of  civil  government  is  contained  in  that 
inspired  precept  which  directs  us  to  pray  for  all  that  are  in  authority,  "  that 
we  may  lead  a  quiet  and  peaceable  life,  in  all  godliness  and  honesty."  Verily, 
there  is  more  truth  concerning  the  domain  and  prerogatives  of  human  gov 
ernment  packed  into  that  one  portable  verse  than  in  many  volumes,  in  many 
languages,  on  the  same  subject.  It  is  condensed  into  such  a  brief  space,  like 


SERMON.  I  5  I 

a  small  ingot  of  gold,  that  many  have  overlooked  it.  Government  has  ever 
assumed  more  than  belongs  to  it.  What  more  do  we  need  to  concede 
concerning  it  than  this  :  government  ordained  of  God  for  human  protec 
tion,  so  that  we  may  lead  quiet,  peaceable,  and  honest  lives  ?  While  gov 
ernment  is  in  this  sense  a  providential  necessity  and  a  divine  ordinance, 
revelation  does  not  prescribe  the  form  in  which  it  shall  be  administered. 
One  government  there  was,  the  Hebrew  commonwealth,  of  which  God  was 
himself  the  author  and  the  head ;  but  this  theocracy,  designed  for  a  special 
purpose,  obviously  was  never  intended  for  universal  imitation.  At  the  time 
the  New  Testament  was  written,  the  world  was  subject  to  Roman  Imperialism. 
Because  kings  and  emperors  were  then  the  ruling  powers,  and  Christian 
men  were  enjoined  by  their  religion  to  honor  the  king,  and  "  render  unto 
Caesar  the  things  that  were  Caesar's,"  —  infer  not  that  kings  only  had  right 
to  govern.  Yet  this  is  the  falsehood  which  for  these  many  ages  has  op 
pressed  the  world  in  connection  with  the  whole  subject  of  civil  government. 
The  "  divine  right  of  kings  "  is  an  expression  which  is  embodied  in  the  lan 
guage  of  every  nation.  The  idea  which  it  represents  is,  that  kings  only  reign 
by  divine  law  and  hereditary  right,  as  a  separate  order  of  men,  anointed  of 
God  for  this  purpose.  This  was  the  idea  formulated  by  Sir  Robert  Filmer  in 
his  book  on  Patriarchal  Government,  which  called  forth  the  indignant  protest 
of  Algernon  Sidney.  Even  Isaac  Barrow,  preaching  on  the  return  of  the 
king  Charles  II.,  expatiates  more  on  the  kingly  prerogatives,  than  on  the 
peace  and  safety  which  are  to  be  sought  by  every  form  of  civil  government. 
" Letat,  cest  moi"  —  "  I  am  the  State,"  —  said  Louis  XIV.,  as  he  strode  before 
his  court  with  his  riding-whip  in  his  hand.  The  association  between  this  doc 
trine,  the  divine  right  of  kings,  and  passive  obedience  to  their  absolute  power, 
is  close  and  logical.  In  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.,  for  example,  the  liberty, 
the  property,  and  the  life  of  every  subject  were,  directly  or  indirectly,  at  the 
control  of  that  burly  and  passionate  monarch.  But  this  is  a  theory  of  govern 
ment  as  far  removed  from  the  doctrine  of  the  Christian  Scriptures  as  thrice 
from  the  equator  to  the  utmost  pole.  The  one  formula  is,  that  the  design  of 
government  is  to  protect  the  persons  and  the  property  of  the  people  in  peace 
able  lives  ;  the  other,  that  the  possessions  and  the  lives  of  the  people  are 
subject  to  the  pleasure  and  arbitrary  power  of  enthroned  royalty.  When  such 
a  notion  as  this  last  named  is  wrought  into  the  life  of  a  nation,  it  is  inevitable, 
as  intelligence  increases,  that  resistance  and  struggles  should  come.  Those 


152  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

conflicts  which  began  in  our  ancestral  land,  in  the  days  of  King  John,  in 
which  with  varied  fortunes  successive  monarchs,  with  judges  to  pronounce 
their  will,  and  armies  to  enforce  it,  had  so  long  held  the  advantage,  at  length 
in  the  great  revolution  of  1688  culminated  in  the  assertion  of  the  true  prin 
ciple  which  gave  to  that  event  all  its  splendor,  — even  this,  that  the  one  object 
and  end  of  civil  government  is  the  good  of  the  people. 

What  have  we  here  but  the  resurrection,  after  ages  of  gloom,  depression, 
and  suffering,  of  that  simple  theory  of  government  given  in  the  inspired  Scrip 
tures, —  government  made  for  man,  and  not  man  for  government?  Thus 
have  we  reached  with  clearest  certainty  the  ethical  Christian  principle  which 
alone  justifies  the  revolution  of  any  government.  When  government  is 
so  far  perverted  from  that  use  and  purpose  which  divine  benevolence  pro 
poses,  as  to  be  an  agent  of  wrong,  of  hinderance,  and  oppression,  then  religion 
not  only  permits,  but  enjoins,  if  government  cannot  be  reformed  and  reclaimed 
to  its  blessed  intent,  that  it  should  be  changed,  and  another  which  is  better 
substituted  in  its  place.  How  wide  the  distinction  between  a  revolution  in 
spired  by  such  a  purpose,  and  all  those  uprisings  and  overturnings  which  have 
been  instigated  by  the  lust  of  power,  by  rival  factions,  by  partisan  ambition, 
by  private  resentments,  and  by  that  frightful  communism  which  would  con 
sume  all  governments  in  fire  and  blood  !  Am  I  expected  to  define  that  line 
of  demarcation  on  which  religion  bases  the  right  and  duty  of  revolution  ?  In 
the  nature  of  the  case,  it  cannot  always  be  drawn  with  mathematical  precision. 
It  is  a  decision  which  is  to  be  reached  by  the  highest  exercise  of  reason,  by 
the  soundest  judgment,  and  by  the  loftiest  religious  wisdom.  It  should  be 
free  from  all  vulgar  passions,  from  private  animosities,  and  from  political 
ambitions.  It  should  be  justified  by  the  best  of  reasons,  by  the  most  urgent 
necessities.  There  should  be,  in  forming  a  judgment  in  premises  so  grave, 
the  most  dispassionate  inquiry  after  tendencies  and  consequences,  a  counting 
the  cost,  a  calm  and  rational  weighing  of  the  good  to  be  gained  'and  the  price 
at  which  it  is  to  be  bought.  In  many  cases  it  is  better  to  "  bear  those  ills  we 
have  than  fly  to  others  that  we  know  not  of."  Our  fathers  were  not  rash  and 
infuriated  revolutionists.  They  brought  themselves  under  the  name  and 
stigma,  for  a  time,  of  insurrection.  But  they  had  no  affinity  with  lawless 
insubordination.  They  were  deliberate,  self-controlled,  and  loyal  to  good  gov 
ernment.  The  "  spirit  of  seventy-six,"  as  goes  the  familiar  expression,  was 
no  demoniacal  frenzy,  no  sudden  ebullition  of  passion.  It  was  eulogized  by 


SERMON.  I  5  3 

Edmund  Burke  as  the  legitimate  descendant  of  British  law.  It  was  impreg 
nated  with  the  imperial  wisdom  of  Milton  and  Selden,  of  Hale  and  Mansfield, 
and  the  martyr  heroism  of  Argyll  and  Russell.  As  the  genealogy  of  man 
runneth  back  to  the  Throne  ("  who  was  the  son  of  Seth,  who  was  the  son  of 
Adam,  who  was  the  son  of  God"),  so  the  national  act  we  celebrate,  instead  of 
being  an  extemporized  expedient,  traces  its  pedigree  far  back  to  the  martyrs 
and  patriots  of  all  ages,  and  to  historic  changes  in  the  Old  World,  each  and 
all  accumulating  force  in  endless  succession,  and  transmitting  the  necessity  of 
still  further  improvement  from  generation  to  generation. 

Subject  as  they  were  to  grievous  wrongs,  our  patriot  fathers  sought  redress 
by  all  lawful  methods.  They  petitioned,  they  expostulated,  they  entreated 
the  British  Government  to  do  them  justice.  For  a  long  time  they  cherished 
the  hope  that  their  rights  would  be  secured,  and  all  difficulties  between  the 
two  countries  would  be  adjusted.  When  the  Stamp  Act  was  repealed  in  1766, 
Dr.  Mayhew  preached  a  sermon  in  the  West  Church  of  Boston,  from  the  text, 
"  Our  soul  is  escaped  as  a  bird  from  the  snare  of  the  fowler:  the  snare  is 
broken,  and  we  are  escaped,"  —  a  sermon  dedicated  to  Mr.  Pitt,  and  full  of 
thanksgiving  for  the  supposed  redress  of  our  wrongs.  Dr.  Duche,  who  opened 
the  Congress  of  1774  with  prayer,  afterward  addressed  a  letter  to  Washington, 
endeavoring  to  dissuade  him  from  all  attempts  at  independence,  as  unneces 
sary.  Loyalty  and  hope  were  cherished  to  the  last.  But  events  hastened  to 
a  catastrophe.  Lord  Chatham  had  died  at  his  post  in  the  British  Senate,  in 
the  very  act  of  pleading  for  the  rights  and  liberties  of  America.  All  hope 
that  the  British  ministry  would  yield  to  reason,  and  extend  a  mild  and  peace 
able  and  righteous  government  to  the  colonies,  at  length  was  extinguished  ; 
and  revolution  was  inevitable.  Our  stern-souled  fathers  met  the  exigency 
soberly,  calmly,  religiously.  Their  aim  was  not  to  shatter  all  government,  but 
to  substitute  in  place  of  one  form  of  government  another  which  would  better 
subserve  the  good  end  of  all  government.  Religious  wisdom  prompted  their 
action  ;  Christian  benevolence,  looking  al,  vast  results,  smiled  on  their  heroic 
purpose  ;  the  preparation  of  centuries  was  behind  them  ;  the  finger  of  Provi 
dence  pointed  to  the  Red  Sea;  and  forthwith,  as  the  highest  token  of  divine 
favor,  there  appeared  the  form  of  Washington,  the  Moses  of  our  exodus,  that 
calm,  wise,  good  man,  "  whom  Providence  appointed  to  be  childless,  that  a 
nation  might  always  call  him  father." 

Have  results  justified  the  action  we  celebrate,  and  vindicated  its  wisdom  ? 


154  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

In  pronouncing  our  verdict,  we  look  at  no  temporary  success.     In  the  midst 
of  the  coldest  winters  we  have  occasional  days  of  summer  warmth,  and,  in  the 
spring  and  summer,  days  of  frost  and  storm  ;  but  these  do  not  hinder  the  pro 
cession  of  the  seasons.     Great  rivers  have  their  eddies  and  back-water,  but 
the  mighty  current  rolls  on  to  the  sea.     Revolutions  instigated  by  ambition, 
and  impelled  by  evil  passions,  have  had  a  short-lived  success.     The  imperial 
ism  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  as   a  military  achievement,  was  brilliant,  but  of 
.short  duration.     Other  revolutions,  or  attempts  at  revolution,  inspired  by  the 
highest  and  holiest  motives,  encountered  depression   and  temporary  defeat. 
Providence  does   not  adjust  accounts  with  men  at  the  close  of  each  day,  or 
month,  or  year.     Time  is  an  essential  item  in  that  great  drama  which  occu 
pies  so  many  acts  and  scenes.     Events  most  mysterious  and  painful  at  the 
time   of  their  occurrence  are  explained  by  later  disclosures  of  Providence. 
The  justice  of  God   in   its  application  to  individuals  is  to  be  vindicated  in 
another  life.     Nations  have  their  retribution  here  in  time,  where  alone  nations 
have  their  existence.     Puritanism,  judged  of  in  that  brief  parenthesis  of  time 
when  it  was  harried,  and  persecuted,  and  exiled  by  blind  and  bigoted  powers 
in  the  home  of  its  birth,  might  be  pronounced  as  abhorred  of  God  ;  but  cen 
turies  elapse,  and  the  drama  unfolds  wondrous  compensations  and  rewards, 
compelling  a  more  righteous  verdict.     An  entire    century  has   now  passed 
since  the  American  Revolution  began.     It  had  its  days  of  darkness,  of  suffer 
ing,  and  reverses.     The  gloom  of  depression   and  fear,  which  settled  like  a 
cloud  on  many  hearts  and  homes,  made  it  seem  at  times  that  God  was  against 
us.    But  time  revolves  ;  returning  Justice  lifts  aloft  her  scales  :  and  now,  after 
a  hundred  years  have  gone,  is  there  a  man  living  of  sufficient  information  and 
intelligence  to  give  weight  to  his  thought,  who  would  not  say  that  the  pros 
pects  of  the  world  were  brighter,  the  condition  of  the  human  race  more  happy, 
since  the  American  Revolution,  and  because  of  it,  than  ever  before  ?     As  the 
issue  of  it,  we  have  a  government  regulated  by  a  written  constitution,  a  con 
stitution  which  guarantees  protection  to  every  man,  woman,  and  child,  irre 
spective  of  origin,  of  religion,  of  race;  a  constitution  which   provides  for  its 
own   amendment  by  legal  process,  and   which  adjusts  itself  readily  to  the 
exigences  of  a  heterogeneous  population  spreading  over  an  immense  conti 
nent ;  a  constitution  which  disposes  summarily  and  forever  of  that  problem  — 
the  relation  of  Church  and  State  —  underlying  all  the  politics  of  Europe,  and 
which  cannot  be  touched  without  agitations  and  convulsions  reminding  us  of 


SERMON. 


155 


the  turning  over  of  fabled  Enceladus  beneath  the  mountains  ;  a  constitution 
embodying  'the  expressed  preference  of  the  people,  with  not  a  place  in  it  or 
under  it  for  arbitrary  power  to  hurt  a  hair  of  the  head  of  an  honest  citizen, 
living  under  the  blessed  combination  of  liberty  and  law.  Who  will  question 
the  effects  of  our  example  of  prosperous  self-government,  on  the  world  at 
large?  More  constitutions  insuring  the  rights  of  man  have  been  secured  in 
different  nations  since  the  framing  of  our  own  than  existed  before  in  all  the 
annals  of  time.  That  invisible  force,  called  inquiry,  like  vital  air,  has  pene 
trated  all  recesses,  questioned  all  pretensions,  investigated  all  claims  ;  and-the 
most  arbitrary  kings,  no  longer  able  to  hide  themselves  behind  a  veil  of 
mystery,  have  been  compelled  to  meet  the  familiar  gaze  of  their  own  subjects, 
and  plead  at  the  bar  of  public  opinion  and  the  general  will.  As  a  conse 
quence  of  this,  wrongs  have  been  redressed,  abuses  reformed,  governments 
ameliorated,  and  more  of  equity,  freedom,  harmony,  and  hopefulness  have 
inspired  and  impregnated  the  whole"  of  human  society.  Whatever  may  be 
our  judgment  as  to  particular  events,  whatever  the  aspect  of  our  own  times, 
the  conviction  is  growing  wider  and  stronger,  realizing  more  and  more  the 
event  which  it  leads  us  to  anticipate,  that  slavery,  bigotry,  and  corruption 
are  gradually  giving  way  to  truth,  liberty,  and  virtue  ;  and  that,  in  the  moral 
world  as  well  as  in  the  material,  the  farther  our  observations  extend,  the  more 
we-  perceive  of  order  and  benevolent  design.  Surely,  then,  God  has  furnished 
the  proof  to  the  eye  of  the  world,  that  our  fathers  judged  wisely  and  acted 
righteously,  in  view  of  the  general  good.  Surely  we  must  say  national  self- 
government  is  not  a  failure.  Premature  shouts  were  heard  from  across  the 
sea,  during  our  recent  internal  war,  that  this  new  form  of  government  had 
failed  signally  and  disastrously.  So  far  from  this,  it  has  drawn  lustre  from 
reproach,  and  strength  from  trial.  More  has  been  done  by  this  sharp  blast 
of  adversity  to  confirm  faith  in  our  institutions  than  could  have  followed  the 
warm  sunshine  of  protracted  prosperity.  By  that  very  parenthesis  in  our 
history,  the  difference  has  been  made  palpable  to  the  world  between  revo 
lutions  which  are  gratuitous,  prompted  by  what  is  local  and  sectional,  and 
especially  by  a  purpose  to  extend  an  acknowledged  evil  and  not  to  remove 
it,  —  when  not  one  act  of  the  general  government  called  for  resistance  or 
complaint, —  and  such  a  revolution  as  we  this  day  celebrate,  crowned  with  cen 
tennial  honors,  because  it  aimed  only  at  the  redress  of  wrongs  and  the  en 
largement  of  human  happiness.  So  the  storm  has  passed,  the  fearful  stain  on 


156  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

our  national  escutcheon,  which  many  of  us  despaired  of  seeing  removed, 
has  been  washed  away,  though  in  blood  ;  and  the  very  clouds  which  threatened 
our  destruction  have  dropped  blessings  on  our  fertile  fields,  causing  them  to 
give  forth  a  sweet  and  goodly  smell,  and  in  the  returning  light  of  the  sun 
reflecting  a  new  splendor  on  our  vindicated  nationality. 

I  may  not  dismiss  my  subject  without  adding  that  this  Christian  doctrine, 
"  government  for  the  good  of  the  people,"  has  more  than  one  application. 
The  absolute  power  of  kings  is  not  the  only  or  the  most  perilous  form  of  its 
antagonism.  He  is  but  a  sciolist  in  history  who  does  not  admit  that  repub 
lican  governments  may  be  perverted  and  overthrown  by  the  people  themselves 
through  corruption  of  morals,  lust  of  office,  and  the  ambition  of  personal  pro 
motion.  It  is  a  just  paraphrase  of  the  Christian  law,  that  they  who  administer 
government  should  live  by  the  government ;  but  to  be  greedy  after  the  offices 
of  government  for  the  sake  of  a  living  is  an  abuse  of  government  at  once 
indecent  and  dangerous.  Never  was  there  a  sentiment  more  irreligious  and 
heathenish  than  that  which  is  already  too  familiar  to  our  ears :  "  The  spoils  of 
office  for  victorious  partisans."  Government  was  never  intended  for  the 
reward  of  its  officials,  whatever  name  they  bear  or  from  whatever  quarter  they 
derive  their  place.  If  at  one  pole  of  peril  there  be  arbitrary  power,  there  is 
demagogism  at  the  other.  Government  never  was  meant  to  be  a  game  of 
grab.  Her  holy  gifts  are  not  to  be  dispensed  in  a  general  scramble.  Her 
offices  should  invite  those  only  who  are  most  deserving  of  confidence  for  their 
personal  competence  and  unsuspected  virtue.  If  there  be  reason  for  any 
concern,  it  is  not  because  of  any  loss  of  hereditary  talent,  or  eloquence,  or 
shrewd  intelligence,  but  because  of  a  decay  of  the  old  ancestral  integrity,  dis 
interestedness,  and  magnanimity.  Unscrupulous  partisanship  and  cupidity 
may  honeycomb  the  timbers  of  the  ship,  even  when  the  flag  is  waving  gal 
lantly  at  the  mast-head.  Here,  on  Lexington  Common,  in  the  heart  of  Massa 
chusetts,  is  the  place  to  give  it  an  emphatic  voice,  that  our  national  safety  is 
in  the  old  granite  virtues  of  honesty,  simplicity,  industry,  temperance,  and 
godliness.  Should  any  be  disposed  to  wonder  that  the  New  Testament  con 
tains  so  little  positive  instruction  concerning  good  governments,  that  wonder 
must  cease  when  we  see  how  much  it  contains  in  the  way  of  making  good 
men.  Republics  are  but  the  aggregate  and  expression  of  the  individuals  who 
compose  them.  In  the  nature  of  things,  they  cannot  be  better  than  their 
own  constituency.  Religion  elevates,  ennobles,  stimulates,  the  individual 


SERMON.  I  5  7 

man,  at  the  same  time  that  it  moderates  and  restrains  him  by  divine  laws. 
That  is  the  best  form  of  human  government  which  is  founded  and  adminis 
tered  by  self-governed  men.  The  copy  of  the  Bible,  out  of  which  the  lesson 
has  been  read  this  evening,  was  presented  to  the  first  church  of  Lexington 
by  John  Hancock,  the  first  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
The  coincidence  is  not  fortuitous.  The  tap-root  of  our  national  history  is 
in  that  old  English  Bible.  What  are  constitutions  and  declarations  but  so 
much  paper,  in  the  absence  of  that  combination  of  forces,  stimulus  and  re 
straint,  liberty  and  law,  which  makes  self-controlled  and  religious  men  ? 
Legislated  equality,  universal  suffrage,  and  compulsory  education  are  but 
the  index  hands  on  the  face  of  the  dial ;  what  are  they  but  mechanical  and 
artificial  movements,  if  there  be  no  autonomy  in  living  citizens,  inspired  by 
the  justice  and  charity  of  true  religion  ?  All  that  is  done  to  augment  national 
wealth,  in  the  absence  of  this  same  divine  force,  tends  only  to  luxury  and 
extravagance,  enervation  of  manners,  and  impatience  of  control,  thus  supply 
ing  fuel  to  the  flames  which  will  devour  us.  What  is  the  right  and  act  of 
suffrage  but  the  expression  of  a  free  man's  will  ?  —  the  vital  question  still  re 
maining,  what  that  will  may  be,  and  by  what  force,  good  and  safe,  it  shall  itself 
be  regulated. 

Should  any  be  disposed  to  resolve  such  words  into  mere  professional  cant, 
listen  to  the  counsel  of  the  Farewell  Address  of  Washington  to  his  country,— 
that  Deuteronomy  of  our  American  history,  coming  to  us  with  wisdom  and 
authority  little  short  of  inspiration  ;  a  document  which  ought  to  be  taught  to 
every  child  in  the  Republic  as  the  basis  of  national  education:  "Of  all  the 
dispositions  and  habits  which  lead  to  political  prosperity,  religion  and  moral 
ity  are  indispensable  supports.  In  vain  would  that  man  claim  the  tribute  of 
patriotism  who  should  labor  to  subvert  these  great  pillars  of  human  happiness, 
these  firmest  props  of  the  duties  of  men  and  citizens.  The  mere  politician, 
equally  with  the  pious  man,  ought  to  respect  and  cherish  them.  And  let  us 
with  caution  indulge  the  supposition  that  morality  can  be  maintained  without 
religion.  Whatever  may  be  conceded  to  the  influence  of  refined  education  on 
minds  of  peculiar  structure,  reason  and  experience  both  forbid  us  to  expect 
that  national  morality  can  prevail  in  exclusion  of  religious  principles." 

Fellow-citizens,  never  let  us  forget,  amid  the  proud  and  grateful  memories 
of  our  origin  and  our  young  life,  with  what  a  mission  we  are  charged,  what 
transcendent  good  is  within  our  reach  ;  what  possibilities  to  be  realized  or  lost, 


158  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

and  what  immeasurable  interests  for  millions  yet  unborn,  are  involved  in  our 
experiment  of  self-government.  Though  it  has  stood  well  the  test  of  a  whole 
century,  in  calm  and  in  storm,  it  is,  as  time  advances  and  population  increases, 
and  complicated  questions  are  evolved,  an  experiment  still.  The  theory,  the 
fair  ideal,  of  our  American  Government  is  the  very  minimum  of  restraint  on 
the  individual  will  of  the  citizen,  that  is  consistent  with  the  general  welfare. 
If,  in  changing  the  form  of  government,  responsibility  is  shifted  from  the  one 
or  few  to  the  many,  let  us  keep  the  eye  fixed  with  concentrated  gaze  on  the 
one  critical  point  of  our  salvation,  —  the  intelligence  and  the  religious  virtue  of 
all  the  people.  With  no  cause  for  shame,  with  every  reason  for  congratula 
tion  and  song  and  happy  memorial  in  the  past,  the  great  drama  of  history  is 
not  yet  complete  ;  and  we  are  enacting  now  for  our  children,  as  our  fathers  did 
for  us,  one  of  many  scenes  which  hasten  or  retard  the  great  consummation. 

Thanks  be  to  God  for  all  that  is  past  and  secure  already  ;  for  deliverances 
wrought  in  the  sea  and  the  wilderness,  and  for  the  largeness  and  wealth  and 
opportunity  of  our  national  heritage.  Blessed  be  his  name  for  a  hundred 
years  of  new  things  in  a  new  nation,  for  our  flag,  our  union,  our  nationality  ; 
for  the  magnificent  ideas  of  liberty  and  equality,  of  human  right  and  progress, 
which  have  been  evolved  into  form  and  action  and  fruit  in  this  period  of  our 
existence.  Blessed  be  God  that  the  visions  and  yearnings  of  godly  patriotism 
at  the  beginning  have  not  been  disappointed,  but  have  been  fully  realized 
in  the  happiness,  security,  and  honor  of  this  our  dear  native  land,  sought  by, 
and  open  to,  the  oppressed  and  weary  of  all  lands.  Blessed  be  God  for 
religious  liberty, —  liberty  of  conscience,  liberty  of  thought,  and,  beyond  and 
above  golden  mines  and  laughing  harvests,  for  all  the  churches,  the  schools, 
and  institutions  of  learning  and  art  and  philanthropy,  which  have  sprung 
up  over  all  the  land,  out  of  the  free  will  of  an  intelligent  people,  like  flowers 
in  the  path  of  the  sun.  Blessed  be  God  for  all  the  good  and  heroic  men 
who,  from  the  beginning  of  our  history  till  no\v,  in  times  of  calm  and  in 
times  of  war,  in  all  questions  of  right  and  sentiment  and  conscience  and 
duty,  have  been  raised  up  to  be  guides  and  leaders,  teaching  the  people  what 
should  be  done,  and  how  to  do  it,  —  the  great  men  of  our  one  united  country, 
our  common  pride  and  boast,  never  disappointing  the  trust  which  was  as  freely 
given  as  it  was  truly  deserved,  —  patriots  unselfish,  tried,  and  immaculate. 
Most  of  all  do  we  thank  God  for  the  great  multitudes  of  the  people,  the  men 
and  the  women  emulous  of  no  notoriety,  God-fearing,  hard-working,  taught 


SERMON.  159 

in  schools  and  churches  and  happy  homes  how  to  lead  quiet  and  peaceable 
lives  in  all  honesty  and  godliness,  who  have  so  far  formed  the  character,  the 
strength,  the  reputation,  and  glory  of  the  Republic. 

With  such  an  immortal  record  graven  deep  on  the  pillar  reared  as  our  cen 
tennial  memorial  ;  the  hopes,  the  prayers,  the  cravings  of  our  ancestry  brought 
out  to  life  in  the  events  which  they  saw  only  by  faith, —  we  turn  to  the  future 
invigorated  and  inspired  by  the  radiant  prospects  of  the  hundred  years  to 
come.  If  God  had  not  purposed  greater  things  for  our  children,  would  he 
have  done  such  great  things  for  our  fathers  ?  Men  may  leave  their  work  un 
finished  ;  but  the  ways  of  God  tend  always  to  perfection.  The  world  is  not 
stationary ;  neither  does  it  go  backward.  What  delays,  what  reverses  and 
trials,  may  be  before  us,  we  cannot  predict  ;  but  our  hearts  and  our  faces  are 
bright  with  the  promise  of  the  latter  day.  Generations  come  and  go,  individ 
uals  will  die  ;  the  mighty  man,  the  counsellor,  the  ancient  and  the  honorable, 
will  pass  from  the  sight  of  men  :  but  the  country  will  live,  and  the  kingdom  of 
God  on  the  earth  will  grow  and  abide  forever.  All  hail,  greetings,  and  con 
gratulations  to  all  those  who,  born  beneath  these  skies,  shall  see,  in  the  ages 
to  come,  more  and  more  of  the  unfolding  of  God's  good  plan  in  the  brighten 
ing  and  ascending  revolutions  of  his  providence  ! 

The  Lord  liveth,  and  blessed  be  our  Rock  !  Blessed  be  the  God  of  Israel, 
who  only  doeth  wondrous  things  ;  and  blessed  be  his  glorious  name  forever, 
and  let  the  whole  earth  be  filled  with  his  glory !  Amen,  and  Amen  ! 


HISTORICAL  APPENDIX. 


HISTORICAL  APPENDIX. 


As  the  igth  of  April  is  rendered  famous  by  the  opening  scene  of  the  American 
Revolution  which  occurred  in  our  village,  and  also  by  the  vast  gathering  of  the  people 
to  commemorate  the  one  hundredth  anniversary  of  that  important  event,  it  will  be, 
more  especially  in  the  future,  regarded  as  an  epoch  in  our  history.  When  the  civil  or 
religious  condition  of  the  town  is  under  discussion,  or  its  population,  wealth,  or  future 
prospects  are  to  be  investigated,  reference  will  be  had  to  the  ipth  of  April,  1875. 
And  especially  when  the  next  centennial  celebration  approaches,  people  will  instinct 
ively  inquire  what  was  the  condition  of  the  town  in  all  these  respects  a  century  before. 
This  being  the  case,  it  becomes  important  that  we  present  a  brief  summary  of  the 
present  status  of  the  town.  > 

The  History  of  Lexington,  published  in  1868,  contains  a  pretty  full  exhibit  of  its 
condition  up  to  that  date ;  but  the  changes  which  have  since  occurred  show  the 
importance  of  recording  our  annals  fully  and  frequently,  that  we  may  know  the 
changes  through  which  we  are  constantly  passing.  Within  the  last  seven  years,  events 
of  no  small  importance  have  occurred  in  our  town.  Dating  from  the  close  of  our 
published  volume,  we  must  all  be  sensible  that  there  has  been  a  marked  improvement 
in  our  condition.  At  that  time  our  railroad  terminated  in  Lexington,  giving  us  steam 
communication  with  Boston  alone  :  now  our  railroad  is  extended  to  Concord,  thereby 
giving  us  free  connection  with  the  towns  above  us.  Not  only  the  extension  of  our 
road,  but  the  frequency  of  the  trains,  is  regarded  as  an  advantage ;  and  the  character 
and  ability  of  the  corporation  furnish  a  guaranty  that  these  trains  will  be  continued, 
and  that  such  improvements  will  be  made  in  future  as  the  interest  of  the  road,  and 
the  prosperity  of  the  place,  may  require. 

The  effect  of  this  is  already  seen  in  the  increase  of  dwellings  ;  not  only  in  number, 
but  in  architectural  taste  and  modern  conveniences.  There  has  been  a  decided 
improvement  in  our  public  buildings  within  the  last  six  years.  At  the  close  of  our 
History,  a  regret  was  expressed  that  our  town  hall  was  too  small ;  that  it  was  ill  con 
structed,  and  not  at  all  adapted  to  the  wants  of  the  people  ;  that  it  was  also  occupied 
by  the  high  school ;  and  that  the  desks  had  to  be  removed  frequently  to  accommodate 
the  town  and  school  respectively,  proving  an  inconvenience  and  detriment  to  both. 
Now  we  have  a  town  edifice  both  convenient  and  ornamental  ;  presenting  four  fa£ades 
to  the  eye,  of  two  stories  in  height,  surmounted  by  a  double  Louvre  roof,  within  which 
is  a  third  story.  In  outline  of  ground-plan  the  building  is  a  parallelogram,  or  rectangle, 

'63 


164  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

of  ninety-five  feet  in  length  by  fifty-eight  feet  in  width  ;  built  of  brick,  with  freestone 
trimmings.  The  first  story  is  entered  under  a  portico  located  in  the  centre  of  the. 
principal  fa9ade.  The  entrance  communicates  with  a  staircase-hall  of  twenty  and  one- 
half  feet  in  width  by  twenty-four  feet  in  depth  ;  the  hall  contains  the  principal  stair 
cases  in  two  flights,  each  six  feet  in  width,  reaching  to  the  second  or  hall  story  of  the 
building.  Flanking  the  staircase  hall,  on  each  side,  are  apartments  for  the  selectmen, 
town-clerk,  post-office,  and  other  business  purposes.  The  staircase-hall  communicates 
immediately  with  the  Memorial  Hall,  which  is  situated  on  the  same  floor,  in  a  central 
part  of  the  building,  and  consists  of  an  octagon  about  nineteen  feet  in  diameter, With 
four  wings,  or  corridors,  radiating  from  it  at  right  angles  with  each  other.  Two  of 
these  corridors,  eight  feet  wide  and  nineteen  feet  long,  extend  to  the  walls  of  the 
building,  where  they  receive  the  light  of  two  large  windows  ;  the  remaining  two  con 
nect,  the  one  with  the  staircase  hall,  as  above  mentioned,  with  a  width  of  eleven  feet 
by  fourteen,  and  the  other  by  the  same  width  about  eight  feet  in  length,  with  the 
Library  Hall.  The  octagon  is  separated  from  the  corridors  only  by  an  arch  of  about 
ten  feet  span,  and  about  twelve  feet  above  the  floor.  On  the  arch  in  front,  as  you 
approach  from  the  staircase  hall,  is  this  inscription  :  — 

LEXINGTON 

CONSECRATES     THIS     HALL    AND     ITS     EMBLEMS 

TO     THE     MEMORY     OF     THE 
FOUNDERS    AND    THE    SUSTAINERS     OF    OUR     FREE     INSTITUTIONS. 

The  angles  between  these  corridor  recesses  are  cut  off,  so  as  to  present  faces  of 
about  six  feet,  which  are  finished  in  niches,  in  which  are  four  life-size  marble  statues, 
resting  upon  marble  pedestals. 

The  statue  on  the  left  from  the  entrance  is  "The  Minute-Man  of  '75,"  the  "work 
of  Conrad,  under  the  direction  of  J.  G.  Batterson  of  Hartford,  Conn.  The  minute- 
man  is  starting,  of  his  own  accord,  to  confront  the  invaders  of  our  rights,  breathing 
the  life  and  spirit  of  the  times.  This  statue  has  met  the  warm  approbation  of  all 
who  have  seen  it.  In  the  corridor  recess  to  the  left,  is  a  tablet  of  Italian  marble, 
framed  in  beautiful  red-veined  Lisbon  marble,  on  which  is  the  following  inscription  :  — 

"THE     PLEDGE     AND     ITS     REDEMPTION." 


RESPONSE     OF     LEXINGTON     TO     THE 

APPEAL    OF     BOSTON, 

DEC.     18,     1773. 

"WE   TRUST   IN  GOD,  THAT,  SHOULD   THE   STATE   OF   OUR   AFFAIRS    REQUIRE    IT,  WE   SHALL    BE   READY   TO   SACRIFICE   OUR 
ESTATES,   AND   EVERY    THING   DEAR    IN    LIFE,   YEA,    AND    LIFB   ITSELF,    IN    SUPPORT   OF    THE   COMMON    CAUSE." 


NAMES     OF    THE    CITIZENS     OF     LEXINGTON     WHO     FELL     IN     FREEDOM'S     CAUSE,     APRIL    19,    1775. 


ENSIGN  ROBERT  MUNKOE. 
JONAS  PARKER. 
SAMUEL  HADLEY. 
JOHN  BROWN. 
ISAAC  MUZZEY. 


CALEB  HARRINGTON. 
JONATHAN  HARRINGTON,  jurt. 
JEDEDIAH  MUNROE. 
JOHN  RAYMOND. 
NATHANIU.L  WYMAN. 


THEY  POURKD  OUT  THEIR  GENEROUS  BLOOD  LIKE  WATER,  BEFORE  THEY  KNEW  WHETHER  IT  WOULD  FERTILIZE  THE 

LAND    OF    FREEDOM    OR    OF    BONDAGE." —  Webster. 


HISTORIC  A  L    A  PPENDIX.  1 6  5 

On  the  right,  and  directly  opposite,  stands  the  statue  of  "  The  Union  Soldier  "  of 
the  war  of  the  Rebellion.  He  is  a  soldier  at  rest,  not  starting,  like  the  Minute-Man, 
on  his  own  impulse;  but  standing  firm  and  composed,  waiting  for  orders  which  he  is 
ready  to  obey.  This  is  also  from  the  studio  of  Mr.  Batterson.  A  second  tablet  of 
like  character  is  placed  in  the  corridor  recess  near,  with  the  inscription,  — 

"THE     SONS     DEFENDED     WHAT     THE     FATHERS     WON,"   . 

followed   by  the   names  of  twenty  soldiers  of  Lexington  who  lost  their  lives  in  the 
late  war. 

NAMES     OF     THE     RESIDENTS     OF     LEXIN3TON     AND     OTHERS     SERVIN3     ON     HER     QUOTA,     WHO     GAVE      THEIR 
LIVES    TO     THEIR     COUNTRY     IN     THE     WAR     OF    THE     REBELLION. 

FREDERICK  D    FISKE.  JOHN  O'NEIL. 

CHARLES  H.   FISKE.  JOSEPH  SIMONDS. 

BENJAMIN  F.  THORN.  CHARLES  FLAGG. 

WILLIAM  DE  COTY.  WAKREN  KINNASTON. 

JOHN  MAN  LEY.  JOHN  F.  BYRON. 

CHARLES  H.  PUFFER.  DENNIS  McMAHON. 

CHARLES  B.  HARRINCJTON.  THOMAS  H.  EARLE. 

CAPT.  CHARLES  R.  JOHNSON.  TIMOTHY  LEARY 

CHARLES  CUTLER.  WILLIAM  GROVER. 

EDWARD  E.  HATCH.  CHARLES  O    MUZZBY. 

The  two  remaining  niches  are  filled  with  the  statues  of  John  Hancock  and  Samuel 
Adams,  the  former  by  Thomas  R.  Gould,  and  the  latter  by  Martin  Milmore,  both 
Boston  artists  resident  in  Italy.  Hancock  stands  opposite  the  Minute-Man,  and 
Adams  opposite  the  Union  soldier.  They  are  both  admired  as  works  of  art,  both  in 
the  conception  of  the  character,  and  in  the  execution  of  the  work  ;  and  the  one  last 
examined  is  generally  pronounced  the  best. 

Passing  from  the  rotunda,  the  remainder  of  the  length  and  width  of  this  story  of 
the  building  forms  the  apartment  occupied  as  a  library,  fifty-five  feet  by  forty-four,  and 
is  finished  with  all  the  conveniences  for  that  purpose.  The  Library  was  established 
in  1868,  and  contains  about  five  thousand  volumes,  and  is  constantly  increasing.  It  has 
a  permanent  fund  of  six  thousand  one  hundred  dollars,  and  an  annual  income  of  about 
seven  hundred  dollars.  The  Library  is  free  to  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  town,  and  to 
sojourners,  under  proper  regulations.  It  is  well  patronized,  and  is  regarded  with  in 
creasing  interest.  The  hall  contains  also  a  collection  of  Revolutionary  and  other 
relics,  besides  a  few  portraits  and  engravings  illustrating  the  history  of  the  town,  and 
is  also  designed  for  a  collection  of  natural  curiosities. 

The  two  rear  corners  of  the  Library  Hall  are  occupied,  one  as  the  librarian's  room, 
eight  feet  by  sixteen  feet,  and  the  other  as  a  staircase  and  entry,  forming  a  private 
entrance  to  the  library  and  the  hall  abo*  e. 

The  second  story  is  mainly  devoted  to  the  purposes  of  an  audience  hall,  the  floor 
area  of  which  is  fifty-six  feet  by  seventy  feet,  with  a  clear  height  of  twenty-four  feet. 
A  stage  recess  of  thirty-one  feet  by  nine  feet,  is  flanked  by  two  anterooms,  respect 
ively  fourteen  feet  by  twelve  and  a  half  feet.  The  hall  will  seat  about  seven  hundred 
persons,  is  lighted  with  gas,  and  its  walls  and  ceiling  are  tinted  in  party-colors.  There 
are  two  other  anterooms  in  the  front  corners  of  the  hall,  each  seventeen  feet  by  six 
teen  feet,  connecting  immediately  with  the  hall'  by  sliding  doors,  which,  when  opened, 
make  the  whole  virtually  one  apartment. 


1 66  LEXINGTON  CENTENNIAL. 

A  mezzanine,  or  intermediate  story,  in  front  and  rear  of  the  hall,  contains  a  gal 
lery  and  two  proscenium  boxes.  There  are  ladies'  and  gentlemen's  dressing-rooms 
over  the  two  front  anterooms.  The  whole  interior  of  the  building  is  finished  in  hard 
wood. 

A  portion  of  the  third  story  is  occupied  as  a  Masonic  Hall,  which  is  handsomely 
fitted  up  ;  and  the  remainder  has  been  finished  as  a  dining  hall. 

Though  the  erection  of  this  building,  to  which  Mrs.  Maria  Gary  liberally  contrib 
uted,  created  some  feeling  in  the  town  at  the  time  of  its  erection,  that  feeling  of 
opposition  has  in  a  great  measure  passed  away.  All  have  seen  the  benefits  resulting 
from  a  suitable  place  for  public  meetings,  lectures,  concerts,  and  the  like  ;  and  the 
town  has  shown  a  very  liberal  spirit  towards  that  section  which  felt  itself  aggrieved, 
by  providing  it  with  another  hall  for  like  purposes.  The  building  formerly  used  by 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church  has  been  purchased  and  fitted  up  for  the  safe-keeping 
of  the  engine,  and  especially  for  the  accommodation  of  the  people  in  that  part  of  the 
town.  The  moral  influence  of  this  policy  is  believed  to  be  good,  as  it  tends  to  allay 
local  feeling,  and  at  the  same  time  to  improve  the  condition  of  society  by  the  social 
intercourse  it  produces.  Facilities  for  lectures,  concerts,  and  social  gatherings,  can 
not  fail  to  promote  harmony,  and  so  increase  the  well-being  of  society. 

The  old  town  hall  has  been  refitted,  and  devoted  to  the  high  school.  We  have, 
within  the  last  five  years,  made  several  advances  toward  city  life  and  improvements. 
We  have  established  a  savings  bank,  which  has  been  well  sustained,  and  is  prospering. 
We  have  also  adopted  a  system  of  street-lamps,  and  have  formed  a  gas  company, 
by  which  the  central  portion  of  the  town  is  supplied  with  the  best  of  light.  While 
the  population  of  Lexington  has  remained  nearly  stationary  for  some  years,  there  has 
been  a  steady  growth  in  her  wealth.  '  The  statistics  do  not  show  this  fact  to  its  full 
extent.  The  personal  property  becomes  more  and  more  invested  in  government 
securities,  and  so  does  not  appear  in  town  OP  State  valuations ;  and  the  money  depos 
ited  in  savings  institutions  does  not  appear  in  the  valuation  list.  But  in  1867  the 
valuation  of  Lexington  was  $1,770,468,  while  in  1875  it  was  $2,997,071.  The  town 
has  also  kept  up  with  the  times  in  its  public  improvements,  such  as  schools  and  high 
ways.  Lexington  appropriated,  in  1867,  $17,660,  for  general  town  purposes,  and  in 
1875,  $4°  °55  f°r  tne  same  general  objects  ;  a  gain  which  marks  the  rate  of  advance 
ment. 

There  has  been,  during  the  same  period,  a  considerable  change  in  our  ecclesiastical 
affairs.  Our  published  History  left  the  Roman  Catholics  in  possession  of  a  church  in 
the  East  Village.  Within  three  years,  they  have  sold  that  church  to  the  town  for  a 
public  hall  and  engine-house,  and  have  bought  the  residence  of  the  late  Joseph  Davis, 
in  the  Centre  Village,  which  they  have  fitted  up  as  a  temporary  place  of  worship. 
They  are  now  building  a  new  church,  one  hundred  feet  by  sixty  feet,  which,  we  pre 
sume,  will  be  an  ornament  to  the  place. 

It  was  stated  in  our  History,  that  the  Congregationalists  had  no  organized  society 
in  Lexington,  but  that  the  churches  of  that  faith  in  the  neighboring  towns  had  assisted 
in  purchasing  the  Academy  building,  on  the  corner  of  Hancock  and  Bedford  Streets, 
and  had  fitted  it  up  as  a  church.  The  whole  interior  and  exterior  of  the  building 
have  been  materially  changed,  so  that  it  is  a  neat  and  convenient  place  of  worship, 


HISTORICAL     APPENDIX.  l6/ 

centrally  located.  The  congregation  now  numbers  some  eighty  families.  Sunday 
services  are  held  regularly  in  the  morning  and  afternoon.  The  pastor,  Rev.  E.  G. 
Porter,  was  ordained  Oct.  i,  1868.  The  church  bears  the  name  of  the  Rev.  John 
Hancock,  the  distinguished  clergyman  of  Lexington,  whose  ministry  extended  from 
1698  to  1752. 


THE   STATUES,    AND   THE    MEMORIAL    HALL. 

As  the  statues  of  Hancock  and  Adams  formed  the  basis  of  a  prominent  ceremony 
in  our  late  celebration,  and  are  destined  to  stand  in  our  Memorial  Hall,  monuments 
of  art  and  emblems  of  patriotism,  and,  with  the  statues  of  the  soldiers  of  two  wars,  are 
to  beautify  and  adorn  that  part  of  our  public  edifice  consecrated  to  the  memory  of 
heroes  and  statesmen,  it  seemed  to  us  important  that  something  should  be  known  of 
the  origin  of  the  memorial  statues,  and  the  means  by  which  the  idea  of  procuring  them 
has  been  developed.  To  a  certain  extent,  the  statues  and  tablets  which  the  hall  con 
tains  are  the  offspring  of  the  Lexington  Monument  Association.  The  impression 
becoming  prevalent,  that  the  monument  on  the  common  did  not  comport  with  modern 
taste,  some  of  our  prominent  citizens  conceived  the  idea  of  superseding  it  by  one 
more  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  age.  In  1850  they  obtained  an  act  of 
incorporation,  and  organized  a  company,  making  the  venerable  Jonathan  Harrington, 
the  last  survivor  of  the  battle  of  Lexington,  their  president.  Their  object  seems  to 
have  been  simply  to  rear  a  more  fashionable  monument  in  honor  of  the  citizens  of 
Lexington  who  fell  on  the  iQth  of  April,  1775.  Nothing,  however,  was  done,  more 
than  to  keep  up  the  organization,  till  1858,  when  broader  and  more  liberal  views  pre 
vailed.  It  was  then  perceived,  that,  though  the  existing  monument  was  somewhat 
antiquated  in  its  appearance,  it  bore  the  impress  and  breathed  the  spirit  of  the 
Revolution,  and  was  a  fit  memorial  of  the  sturdy  patriots  to  whose  memory  it  was 
erected ;  and  it  was  resolved  to  give  the  proposed  enterprise  a  national  character,  and 
erect  a  monument  commemorative  of  the  opening  scene  of  the  Revolutionary  drama. 
To  carry  forward  this  idea,  Charles  Hudson,  who  had  taken  an  active  part  in  giving 
a  national  character  to  the  enterprise,  was  intrusted  with  the  development  of  the  idea. 
Encouraged  by  the  countenance  of  some  of  our  prominent  citizens,  among  whom  were 
Gen.  Samuel  Chandler,  Major  Benjamin  Reed,  Col.  Philip  Russell,  Jonas  Munroe, 
John  Hastings,  Bowen  Harrington,  William  Stevens,  and  others,  he  undertook  the 
work  ;  and  soon  found  that  the  name  of  Lexington,  and  the  character  of  the  deeds 
performed  upon  her  common,  were  quite  as  fully  appreciated  beyond  the  limits  of  the 
State  as  within  its  borders.  He  found  no  difficulty  in  organizing  a  corporation,  con 
sisting  of  a  president  and  an  acting  board  of  directors  in  Massachusetts,  with  one  vice- 
president  from  each  of  the  New  England  States,  and  one  from  every  other  section  of 
the  country ;  each  accepting  the  position  with  readiness,  and  generally  with  expres 
sions  of  approval  of  the  design,  and  a  patriotic  admiration  of  the  deeds  of  our  fathers, 
and  the  worth  of  their  sacrifices. 

H.  T.  Duncan,  Esq.,  of  Lexington,  Ky.,  says,  "  I  do  not  feel   at  liberty  to  withhold 


1 68  LEXINGTON  CENTENNIAL. 

assent  from  your  honorable  purpose."  Hon.  Thomas  Corwin  of  Ohio  speaks  of  the 
scenes  which  occurred  in  Lexington,  as  "glorious  triumphs,  and  the  heroic  fires  of  the 
Revolution."  Commodore  Stockton  of  New  Jersey  gratefully  accepted  the  honor  of 
being  one  of  our  number.  Hon.  H.  B.  Anthony  of  Rhode  Island  is  pleased  "to 
co-operate  in  this  patriotic  undertaking.'"  Rev.  John  Wheeler  of  Vermont  deems  it 
a  "praiseworthy  object  to  commemorate  the  opening  scene  of  the  Revolution." 
Pres.  Fillmore,  in  his  retirement,  consented,  contrary  to  his  rule,  to  take  part  with  us. 
Hon.  Ichabod  Goodwin  of  New  Hampshire  declares  "  that  the  descendants  of  the 
patriots,  the  leaders  in  the  Revolutionary  struggle,  should  commemorate,  by  every 
suitable  means,  the  heroic  deeds  of  their  fathers." 

Gov.  Hammond  of  South  Carolina  uses  this  approving  language  :  "  I  esteem  it  a 
very  high  compliment  to  be  selected  as  one  of  your  vice-presidents,  and  shall  be  very 
happy  to  do  something  to  promote  the  success  of  your  patriotic  design." 

Hon.  Stephen  A.  Douglas  says,  "  I  cordially  approve  of  the  movement  inaugurated 
by  the  people  of  Lexington  and  vicinity,  to  erect  a  monument  commemorative  of  the 
opening  scene  of  the  Revolution.  It  is,  as  you  well  remark,  a  national  work;  and  I 
doubt  not  the  whole  people  of  the  United  States  will,  if  properly  appealed  to,  promptly 
contribute  to  so  noble  an  object  as  that  of  building  a  monument  to  the  first  martyrs 
of  the  independence  and  freedom  we  enjoy." 

Hon.  Edward  Bates  of  Missouri  speaks  thus  cordially:  "I  accept  the  position  of 
vice-president  with  hearty  thanks  and  honest  pride.  When  the  descendants  of  those 
who  laid  the  corner-stone  of  our  temple  of  liberty,  and  did  the  first  overt  act  towards 
the  establishment  of  our  national  existence,  are  about  to  do  honor  to  the  patriotism 
and  courage  of  their  fathers,  and  to  commemorate  an  event  so  glorious  in  our  history, 
I  could  hardly  hope  to  be  associated  in  official  honors  with  the  eminent  men  you 
mention." 

Hon.  William  C.  Rives  of  Virginia  pronounces  the  enterprise  "  a  noble  design  of 
erecting,  in  your  ever-glorious  town  of  Lexington,  a  monument  to  commemorate  the 
first  blood  of  American  patriots  shed  in  the  cause  of  liberty.  Nothing  can  be  more 
fitting  than  to  perpetuate,  in  the  enduring  form  you  propose,  the  gallantry  and  self- 
devotion  of  those  sons  of  Massachusetts  who  were  the  first  martyrs  of  American 
liberty.  To  make  their  deeds  of  heroism,  as  you  propose,  a  common  fund  of  glory, 
in  which  the  other  States  are  invited  to  an  equal  participation's  a  generous  and  manly 
thought,  which  could  have  its  origin  only  in  a  truly  national  spirit." 

And  the  sturdy  old  hero  Gen.  Scott  pronounces  our  enterprise  a  most  -patriotic 
and  glorious  undertaking,  and  thankfully  lends  his  name  to  the  cause. 

We  make  these  extracts  to  show  that  the  fame  of  Lexington  had  extended  through 
the  country,  and  the  noble  deeds  of  her  sons  had  so  impressed  the  public  mind  as  to 
awaken  the  feeling  of  patriotism  in  every  part  of  the  land.  The  sentiments  thus 
expressed  by  people  at  a  distance  are  well  calculated  to  show  us  the  position  Lexing 
ton  occupies  in  our  country's  history,  prompting  us  thereby  to  deeds  of  patriotism. 

With  such  flattering  encouragement  from  abroad,  and  a  good  degree  of  support 
within  our  own  State  and  neighborhood,  we  were  able  to  organize  a  corporation 
extending  through  the  country,  embracing  some  of  our  most  distinguished  men, 
irrespective  of  party.  Hon.  Edward  Everett  accepted  the  office  of  president  ;  Hon. 


HISTORICAL    APPENDIX.  1 69 

R.  C.  Winthrop,  and  Gen.  Banks,  the  office  of  vice-president ;  while  Hon.  Richard 
Frothingham,  Hon.  E.  R.  Hoar,  Hon.  George  Lunt,  and  other  influential  individuals, 
were  enrolled  on  our  list  of  directors.  I  should  do  injustice  to  an  active  and  able 
advocate  of  this  enterprise,  did  I  not  mention  Charles  O.  Whitmore,  Esq.,  of  Boston, 
who  at  that  time  had  a  summer  residence  in  Lexington.  He  engaged  earnestly  and 
efficiently  in  the  cause,  and  served  for  years  as  treasurer  of  the  company. 

Being  thus  organized,  our  honored  president  published  an  address  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  setting  forth  the  object  of  the  enterprise,  and  stating  further,  that 
"  the  people  of  Lexington  have  procured  the  design  of  a  monument  by  Mr.  Hammatt 
Billings,  a  distinguished  native  artist,  which,  with  great  success,  embodies  the  spirit  of 
the  day  which  it  is  intended  to  commemorate ;  not  doing  homage  to  any  one 
individual,  —  for  no  individual  is  entitled  to  the  honors  of  that  day,  —  but  symbolizing 
the  entire  class  of  men  who  were  the  actors  in  that  great  scene.  It  is  the  figure  of  a 
minute-man,  who  leaving  his  accustomed  labor,  and  seizing  his  musket,  his  ball-pouch, 
and  his  powder-horn,  has  hastened  to  confront  the  disciplined  battalions  of  arbitrary 
power.  Such  were  the  men  of  the  igth  of  April,  1775  ;  such  the  men  who  fell  that 
day  on  Lexington  Green,  and  in  whose  honor  the  statue  will  stand  as  an  abiding 
memorial  of  their  sacrifice,  and  a  monument  to  their  heroism.  It  is  to  be  of  bronze, 
and  of  colossal  size,  erected  upon  a  lofty  pedestal  of  granite,  handsomely  wrought, 
with  niches  for  the  insertion  of  appropriate  rilievos  emblematic  of  the  events  of  the 
day ;  the  whole  to  be  of  a  magnitude,  and  in  a  style  of  execution,  worthy  of  the  great 
event,  creditable  to  American  art,  and  in  harmony  with  the  national  feeling." 

Such  was  the  character  of  the  work  we  designed.  Mr.  Hudson  as  chairman  of  the 
directors,  and  by  their  order,  issued  a  circular  to  the  militia  of  the  United  States, 
calling  their  attention  to  our  enterprise,  and  to  the  significant  fact  that  we  proposed 
to  depart  from  the  common  usage  on  such  occasions,  and  do  honor,  not  to  one  man 
who  happened  to  be  in  command,  but  to  the  common  soldiers,  on  whom  the  labor 
falls,  and  to  whom  the  honor  of  victory  generally  belongs.  A  certificate  of  member 
ship,  of  artistic  taste,  combining  a  representation  of  the  monument  and  of  the  battle 
scene,  was  engraved  ;  and  the  necessary  measures  were  adopted  to  obtain  the  means 
to  carry  forward  the  work.  After  expending  a  considerable  sum  in  these  preliminary 
measures,  the  flattering  prospects  of  the  Association  were  dispelled  by  the  breaking 
out  of  the  Rebellion.  All  efforts  were  suspended  during  the  war  ;  and  on  the  return 
of  peace  almost  every  city  and  town  had  its  attention  called  to  some  local  monu 
ment  or  memorial  in  honor  of  its  own  fallen  patriots.  Prices  had  also  increased  to  such 
extent,  that  we  despaired  of  raising  funds  sufficient  for  the  enterprise. 

When  the  effort  was  made  in  1858  and  1859,  to  give  the  enterprise  a  national  char 
acter,  William  H.  Gary,  Esq.,  of  Brooklyn,  N.Y.,  one  of  the  vice-presidents  of  the 
association,  and  a  native  of  Massachusetts,  manifested  a  lively  interest  in  the  under 
taking  ;  and  having  a  summer  residence  in  Lexington,  the  birthplace  of  his  wife, 
intimated  to  some  of  the  officers  of  the  Association,  that  he  would  render  some  pecuniary 
assistance  towards  the  completion  of  the  object.  But,  dying  suddenly  soon  after,  he 
made  no  provision  in  behalf  of  the  proposed  monument.  However,  his  widow  and 
his  heirs,  knowing  his  intention,  with  due  respect  to  his  memory,  and  a  generous 
sympathy  for  the  object  in  view,  came  forward  unsolicited,  and  offered  the  Associa- 


170  LEXINGTON    CENTENNIAL. 

tionfour  thousand  dollars  in  aid  of  the  enterprise,  three  thousand  for  land  as  a  site,  and 
one  thousand  in  money  when  the  work  should  be  commenced.  But  the  war,  as  we 
have  seen,  paralyzed  the  efforts  of  the  Association ;  and  peace  found  them  unable  to 
prosecute  their  design  with  any  prospect  of  success. 

In  this  state  of  things,  Mrs.  Gary,  ever  interested  in  the  prosperity  and  honor  of 
the  place  of  her  nativity,  proposed,  in  behalf  of  herself  and  friends,  that  if  the 
Association  would  relinquish  their  claim  upon  the  land,  and  permit  it  to  be  sold,  the 
avails  of  the  sales  should  be  passed  over  to  the  Association,  and  that  she  would 
make  up  the  sum  to  four  thousand  dollars  ;  the  said  Association  to  hold  it  in  trust 
till  the  town  should  erect  a  suitable  memorial  hall,  when  the  sum  thus  given  should 
be  expended  in  tablets,  or  other  suitable  emblems,  in  honor  of  the  heroes  of  the 
Revolution  and  of  the  late  war.  The  Association  executed  a  release  of  the  land ;  and 
the  money  stipulated  has  been  promptly  paid  over,  and  expended  agreeably  to  the 
wish  of  the  donors.  The  original  design,  that  of  a  minute-man,  has  been  adhered  to  ; 
and  the  combination  of  the  heroes  of  the  two  wars  does  equal  honor  to  the  memory  of 
those  who  won  our  independence,  and  those  who  sustained  the  Union  of  the  States. 

Thus  has  the  town  been  mainly  indebted,  for  the  means  of  fitting  up  the  Memorial 
Hall,  to  Mrs.  Gary  and  her  friends,  with  the  cheerful  co-operation  and  aid  of  the 
Lexington  Monument  Association,  through  whose  efforts  means  have  since  been  fur 
nished  to  procure  the  statues  of  John  Hancock  and  Samuel  Adams.  Thus  the  niches 
in  our  consecrated  hall  have  all  been  filled  ;  and  the  soldier  and  the  statesman  now 
stand  there  face  to  face,  approving  of  each  other's  work,  and  rejoicing  in  the 
institutions  whose  foundations  they  laid,  and  whose  superstructure  they  have  reared 
and  sustained. 

When  we  say  that  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  Lexington  Monument  Associa 
tion  have  urged  forward  the  design  of  filling  the  niches,  we  do  not  mean  that  they 
have  done  it  unaided.  We  are  happy  to  say  that  they  have  been  generously  supported 
by  our  citizens  and  others.  Especially  are  we  indebted  to  Mrs.  Maria  Gary,  —  whose 
bounty  has  flowed  almost  in  an  uninterrupted  stream,  —  to  Mrs.  Maria  M.  Hastings, 
to  Messrs.  Isaac  H.  and  George  S.  Gary,  to  Mrs.  Samuel  B.  Rindge  of  Cambridge,  to 
Mrs.  Ebenezer  Sutton  of  Peabody,  to  Hon.  Stephen  Salisbury  of  Worcester,  and  to 
Nathan  Blanchard,  Esq.,  of  Burlington.  Our  own  citizens,  under  the  lead  of  the 
George  G.  Meade  Post,  gave  a  generous  support ;  the  United  States  made  a  liberal 
donation  of  condemned  ordnance  ;  and  the  town  of  Lexington  has  readily  supplied 
whatever  has  been  found  wanting,  from  time  to  time,  to  meet  the  demand.  Thus  has 
the  perseverance  of  a  few,  with  the  countenance  of  the  many,  given  us  a  Memorial 
Hall,  reflecting  alike  the  honor  of  the  heroes  of  the  town,  and  the  statesmen  of  the 
country,  —  a  hall  on  which  we  and  our  children  may  look  with  a  noble  pride.  When 
a  town  of  the  size  of  Lexington,  with  only  twenty-five  hundred  inhabitants,  provides 
for  her  own  soldiers,  and  for  two  of  our  country's  statesmen,  we  think  she  cannot  be 
accused  of  being  indifferent  to  the  cause  of  freedom,  or  ungrateful  to  the  worthies  who 
have  given  us  this  rich  inheritance. 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


A 

Clarke  House. 

B 

Buckman  Tavern. 

x: 

Munroe's  Tavern. 

__  . 

Parker's  Company. 

D 

Jonathan  Harrington" 

E 

Daniel  Harrington's. 

F 

Nathan  Munroe's. 

G 

Blacksmith's  Shop. 

H 

Emerson's  House. 

1 

Loring's  House. 

J 

Loring's  Barn. 

L 

Meeting  House. 

M  N    . 

Percy's  Field  Pieces. 

J  A  J  L   '-)  t 


3C 

S.AMTL  A  BAMS 


•'  -     C  '_  c- 

°'     -~J- 


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9i&y~*+ 


M178896 


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